879 resultados para Turkey--History--19th century


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The lipid content of three cores from Lake Enol (Picos de Europa National Park, Asturias, Northern Spain) was studied. The n-alkane profiles indicated a major input from terrigenous plants [predominance of high molecular weight (HMW) alkanes] since ca. 1695 AD to the water body, although the uppermost cm revealed a predominance of organic matter (OM) derived from algae, as the most abundant alkane was C17. Three units revealing different environmental conditions were defined. Unit A (ca. 1695–1860 AD) in the lowermost parts of ENO13-10 (< 12 cm) and ENO13-15 (< 28 cm) was identified and was characterized by higher OM input and evidence of minimal degradation (high CPI values, predominance of HMW n-alkanoic acids and good correspondence between the predominant n-alkane and n-alkanoic acid chains). These findings could be linked to the Little Ice Age, when cold and humid conditions may have favored an increase in total organic carbon (TOC) and n-alkane and n-alkanoic acid content (greater terrigenous OM in-wash), and may have also reduced bacterial activity. In Unit B (ca. 1860–1980 AD) the lack of correspondence between the n-alkane and n-alkanoic acid profiles of ENO13-10 (12–4 cm) and ENO13-15 (28–8 cm) suggested a certain preferential microbial synthesis of long chain saturated fatty acids from primary OM and/or bacterial activity, coinciding with a decrease in OM input, which could be linked to the global warming that started in the second half of the 19th century. In ENO13-7 the low OM input (low TOC) was accompanied by some bacterial degradation (predominance ofHMWn-alkanoic acids but with a bimodal distribution) in the lowermost 16–5 cm. Evidence of considerable phytoplankton productivity and microbial activity was especially significant in Unit C (ca. 1980–2013 AD) identified in the uppermost part of all three cores (5 cm in ENO13-7, 4 cm in ENO13-10 and 8 cm in ENO13-15), coinciding with higher concentrations of n-alkanes and n-alkanoic acids, which were considered to be linked to warmer and drier conditions, as well as to greater anthropogenic influence in modern times. Plant sterols, such as b-sitosterol, campesterol and stigmasterol, were significantly present in the cores. In addition, fecal stanols, such as 24-ethylcoprostanol from herbivores, were present, thereby indicating a continuous and significant pollution input derived from these animals since the 17th century, being more important in the last 20 years.

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This paper puts forth an alternate reading of the artistic climate in late nineteenth-century Paris than that which has traditionally been suggested. I propose that the expansion of creative opportunity during this time reveals a climate of communal support, consent, and progressive reform for women artists, rather than a struggle to undermine central (masculine) control, as many scholars have claimed. Specifically, I explore the work of American expatriates living in Paris, including but not limited to Cecilia Beaux, Anna Klumpke, Alice Kellogg, and Ellen Day Hale. The birth of the private academy in Paris offered women the chance to develop their artistic ability and assert their independence. The Académie Julian in particular provided a comparatively accepting and progressive environment where American women studying abroad could study from the nude model, receive proper training, and explore their full creative potential. Through an examination of a) these women’s self-portraits, and b) depictions of them painted by their contemporaries – both male and female – I further investigate the artistic education of American women in the highly-gendered cultural milieu of late nineteenth-century France.

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The three articles in this special issue of Ambix were among the twenty-one papers presented at the conference “Sites of Chemistry in the Nineteenth Century,” held in Valencia at the Institute for the History of Medicine and Science ‘López Piñero’ in July 2012. This meeting was the second of the series of conferences organised as part of the project Sites of Chemistry, 1600–2000, the aim of which was to investigate the wide and diverse range of physical spaces and places where chemistry has been practised from the early modern period to the twentieth century.

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Vol. 3-7 bear imprint: Printed for subscribers only & not published.

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Vols. 1-6: 4th edition; v.7-8: 2d edition.

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Illustrated with steel engravings.

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Vols. 1-9 published by Henry Colburn; v. 10-11 by Colburn and Co., ; v. 11-20 by Willis and Sotheran.

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A láthatatlan kéz Adam Smith nyomán a közgazdaságtan legismertebb metaforája lett, de jelentősége és értelmezése máig megosztja a közgazdászokat és eszmetörténészeket. Az interpretációk skálája rendkívül széles: mértékadó közgazdászok szerint ez a közgazdaságtan alapeszméje, míg mások Smith ironikus tréfájának vélik. A tanulmány áttekinti a láthatatlan kéz Smith előtti használatát teológiai, politikai és irodalmi szövegekben és a hozzájuk kapcsolódó interpretációkat. Ezt követően bemutatja, hogyan alkalmazta Smith a nevezetes kifejezést a merkantilista politika ironikus és paradox kritikájaként, és miként került a 19. század végétől e metafora a Smith-olvasatokban központi helyre, majd miként vált kérdésessé ez a felfogás a 2008-as válság nyomán. ____ Adam Smith's phrase the invisible hand has become the best-known metaphor in economics, yet both its interpretation and its relevance are hotly debated by economists and intellectual historians. The range of opinions is wide: several leading economists view it as the founding idea in economics and social studies, some historians see it as an ironic jest by Smith. The study surveys the different uses of the metaphor in theological, political and literary texts before Smith and reconstructs the "invisible hand" passage in The Wealth of Nations as an ironic and paradoxical critique of mercantilist policy. A vast literature has emerged since the late 19th century treating the metaphor in various way, ranging from the description and justification of free markets to the claim that it is a purely fictitious mechanism. The critical approach to it has become stronger since the great recession of 2008.

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A journal of commercial voyages and domestic life on the Tigris River -- subjects and notes in diaries 47-49.

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Morocco was the last North African country in which a Pasteur institute was created, nearly two decades later than in Tunisia and Algeria. In fact, two institutes were opened, the first in Tangier in 1913 and the second in Casablanca in 1932. This duplication, far from being a measure of success, was the material expression of the troubles Pastorians had experienced in getting a solid foothold in the country since the late 19th century. These problems partly derived from the pre-existence of a modest Spanish-Moroccan bacteriological tradition, developed since the late 1880s within the framework of the Sanitary Council and Hygiene Commission of Tangier, and partly from the uncoordinated nature of the initiatives launched from Paris and Algiers. Although a Pasteur Institute was finally established, with Paul Remlinger as director, the failure of France to impose its colonial rule over the whole country, symbolized by the establishment of an international regime in Tangier, resulted in the creation of a second centre in Casablanca. While elucidating many hitherto unclear facts about the entangled origins of both institutes, the author points to the solidity of the previously independent Moroccan state as a major factor behind the troubled translation of Pastorianism to Morocco. Systematically dismissed or downplayed by colonial and postcolonial historiography, this solidity disrupted the French takeover of the country and therefore Pastorian expectations.

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Mark Taylor's new essay assesses the impact of the diagram on interior design from the late 19th century to the present. Taylor identifies the pop-cultural discourse of advice writing in both books and magazines as a starting point for his analysis. Drawing on diverse sources, his analysis focuses on texts relating to the dynamics of use and flexibility by Catherine Beecher, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Melusina Fay Peirce, Mary Haweis and Christine Frederick among others. The examples in these texts use the home, domestic housekeeping and kitchens as the sites and practices of intervention through which interior design innovations can be enacted. Taylor's analysis identified the innovations in both the social and the political aspects of space and the critique of static space behind these seemingly amateurish and innocuous texts. Identifying these contributions as early precursors of Modernism's open-plan and flexible, dynamic spaces, Taylor also interprets them with a critical concern for the oppositions and hierarchies that can exist in spatial design, and which are the hallmarks of recent Postmodern, phenomenological approaches to interior design and its theorisations. The progressive and subversive "paradigms for living" implicit in these diagrams can be argued to present a model of greater economic, social and political equality as well as representing a more balanced set of power relations in the home. Progressing through the 20th century to the present, Taylor's analysis shifts byond the dressed body and on to the more intimate rituals of the revealed body to further examine how diagrams of the interior, and the interior as a set of diagrams, are also mediators, sites and grounds for the design of social and sexual intimacy. Through a consideration of the link between design, indentity and intimacy (whether of the invisible, fashioned or sexualised body), the diagrms of interiors are reconfigured as radical and critical tools for an animate, material and emancipatory "redressing" of the balance between the body, identity, sexuality, gender, function, mis(use), aesthetics and the interior.