816 resultados para Social movement unionism
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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This work is a clipping of a Master's research which aims to discuss critically the Work Cooperated in the field of Solidarity economy (EcoSol), starting from the benchmark of the Institucional Analysis and rom their fundamental operators. Initially, we performed an analysis of how the EcoSol was built institutionall in Brazil. To this end, we researched and analyzed documents in official files of public policies and of the social movement of this field.
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR
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This study proposes some thinking under a different perspective about the Event Organization Activity. As a directed communication instrument, Events are planned actions, aiming at gathering people with common objectives, for a specific goal, usually under the view of organizations. In this study, some questioning on the relevance of Events at the social movement context is proposed, as they organize themselves through these actions in order to claim and pressure the Government for citizenship rights.
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This article aims to address the trajectory of anti-asylum fight movement, presenting some of their actions developed to change social imagery about madness. Its initiatives aim to bring awareness of the population to the disrespectful situations undergone by patients with mental disorders, whether in society or in mental health care. It should be noted, however, the fact that this movement has not yet been institunalized. Thus, among among its hardest challenges are the need of mental health professionals to rediscover their history and respect its trajectory as well as users recognizing the importance of partnership and the need for the presence of mental health professionals as mediators of the ongoing process. Thus, the text analysis the fact that users, family and workers should be protagonists of a new form of care in mental health.
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In many communities, supplying water for the people is a huge task and the fact that this essential service can be carried out by the private sector respecting the right to water, is a debated issue. This dissertation investigates the mechanisms through which a 'perceived rights violation' - which represents a specific form of perceived injustice which derives from the violation of absolute moral principles – can promote collective action. Indeed, literature on morality and collective action suggests that even if many people apparently sustain high moral principles (like human rights), only a minority decides to act in order to defend them. Taking advantage of the political situation in Italy, and the recent mobilization for "public water" we hypothesized that, because of its "sacred value", the perceived violation of the right to water facilitates identification with the social movement and activism. Through five studies adopting qualitative and quantitative methods, we confirmed our hypotheses demonstrating that the perceived violation of the right to water can sustain activism and it can influence vote intentions at the referendum for 'public water'. This path to collective action coexists with other 'classical' predictors of collective action, like instrumental factors (personal advantages, efficacy beliefs) and anger. The perceived rights violation can derive both from personal values (i.e. universalism) and external factors (i.e. a mobilization campaign). Furthermore, we demonstrated that it is possible to enhance the perceived violation of the right to water and anger through a specifically designed communication campaign. The final chapter summarizes the main findings and discusses the results, suggesting some innovative line of research for collective action literature.
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Corporations, nongovernmental organizations, and other organizational forms are major players in the sodal world. Recently, sociological scholarship on organizations has converged with research on the professions to discuss the ways in which professions are shaped or influenced by different organizational forms. In this article, I borrows from the notion of framing within social movement research to argue that organizational forms frame the bids of aspiring professionals. More specifically, I argue that certain organizational forms-such as that of the modern corporation-can aid would-be professionals in making their claims for professional recognition. Organizations do this, I argue, by providing aspiring professionals with a ready-made setting, rationale, and guarantees that make the newcomers more easily recognizable as professionals to outside audiences. I explore this argument by examining how the corporate form has facilitated private military contractors in their attempts to legitimate and develop this highly controversial new industry. The data are drawn from my interviews with private military contractors, state officials, and other interested parties surrounding private military corporations, as well as from archival data that detail the rise of the private military industry.
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In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.
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I will attempt to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context, particularly in relationship to nationalism of President Mikheil Saakashvili. I will argue that the state-driven nationalism of post-Rose Revolution government was a hybrid form of ethno-cultural and civic which had elements of ethnic particularism towards the Orthodox Church. By reflecting on the growing assistance of Western institutions to Georgia, I will problematize the extent to which the rise of American and European involvement in the region reinforced the perceptions of the “self” and the “other” among the religious elites since the Rose Revolution. By presenting field research data (interviews) gathered in 23 eparchies and perishes with religious clerics in 7 regions of Georgia, I will argue that religious nationalism in Georgia strengthened not in response to but as an outcome of President Saakashvili’s policies towards the church, and partially as a reaction to the growing dissatisfaction with Western institutions working in Georgia and Western governments’ response to the Russo-Georgian War of 2008. By reflecting on empirical material, the paper attempts to problematize an understanding of religious nationalism as a social movement, an instance of cultural autonomy and a source of identity (Friedland 2001). In response, I suggest viewing religious nationalism in post-communist Georgia as medium of material and political interests
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South Africa is known to have the largest HIV epidemic in the world with 5.7 million people currently living with HIV, according to UNAIDS. In light of the crisis, South Africa's Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) has led the social movement for increased treatment access for people living with HIV through lobbying the government, multinational pharmaceutical companies, and grassroots campaigning. Since it's founding a decade ago, TAC has been highly acclaimed both regionally and internationally for its success. In order to determine the success of this social movement organization, social movement theories, such as mobilization potential, external political opportunity structure, and framing of the social context of issues will be examined. The assessment of TAC's success will be made based on two outcomes: political outcome and social/cultural outcome. The assessment of TAC's success, using this framework has shown that TAC is a successful social movement organization overall.
Gentrificación liderada por el Estado y empresarialismo urbano en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires
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A partir de la experiencia de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, el artículo reflexiona sobre la gentrificación como una estrategia de desarrollo urbano impulsada por diversos gobiernos locales de la región, en un contexto de difusión del empresarialismo urbano. En este marco, el Gobierno de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires impulsó, desde 1990, un intenso proceso de transformación urbana en el área central y en los barrios del sudeste, generando un tipo particular de interrelación con el sector privado que promueve la gentrificación en barrios del sudeste de la ciudad. Como consecuencia, han emergido recurrentemente conflictos urbanos que se oponen al modelo de desarrollo urbano impulsado desde el GCABA y reivindican el derecho a la ciudad para las mayorías. No obstante, todos estos conflictos mantienen un elevado nivel de fragmentación y no han logrado hasta el momento articularse en un único movimiento social urbano, lo que va en detrimento de las capacidades para modificar la orientación de las políticas urbanas locales.
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El presente plan se propone indagar sobre los procesos de politización de las prácticas y los vínculos sociales de los sectores populares organizados en torno a colectivos de trabajadores desocupados, a partir de las transformaciones políticas y sociales acontecidas en los últimos años. Buena parte de las expectativas y demandas de cambio social suscitadas recientemente se habían depositado en las experiencias de los movimientos piqueteros, en tanto agentes capaces de encarnar prácticas renovadas de organización política y alternativas colectivas de cambio social. Desde su irrupción pública, sin embargo, la literatura académica había advertido sobre las contradicciones que atravesaban a este movimiento social. Una de las dificultades más importantes radicaba en los inconvenientes encontrados por las organizaciones de desocupados para articular políticamente las demandas de subsistencia de sus bases sociales. En el marco de esta propuesta, se interpreta que estas dificultades dan cuenta de una tensión constitutiva que atraviesa al conjunto del movimiento. Esta tensión se expresa en el vínculo problemático entre las dimensiones reivindicativas y las dimensiones políticas de las experiencias piqueteras. En tal sentido, se pretende realizar un balance y una actualización crítica de las alternativas emergentes de construcción política popular, desde la trayectoria de una de las organizaciones de desocupados señaladas como caso ejemplar de renovación política y social. Se tratará, por tanto, de abordar las respuestas articuladas por esta organización a la tensión entre las cuestiones reivindicativas y las cuestiones políticas, en el contexto de las mutaciones producidas recientemente en el escenario político, especialmente a partir de la asunción del gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en el año 2003.
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La consolidación del modelo neoliberal en la Argentina de los años noventa, generó un fuerte impacto en los sectores subalternos y en sus formas históricas de dar sentido. Al mismo tiempo se abrieron espacios de disputa por la construcción de sentido y de acción colectiva con posibilidad de resignificar experiencias históricas, tal como es el caso de los movimientos desocupados. Estas nuevas formas de organización y participación política con anclaje barrial, caracterizadas por acciones de protesta mediante la modalidad de cortes de ruta, fueron paulatinamente constituyéndose en espacios de disputa del orden social relevantes hasta la actualidad. A razón de esto último, la siguiente investigación propone un análisis sobre los aspectos subjetivos de experiencias colectivas de trabajo de militantes y participantes de base al interior del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados Aníbal Verón Barrio Malvinas de la ciudad de La Plata, 2009. Fundamentalmente, busca analizar cómo se constituyen y relacionan ambas subjetividades a partir de sus experiencias de trabajo colectivas y cotidianas, con el propósito de entender el proceso de conformación de subjetividad colectiva. En tal dirección, recorre el universo de representaciones, imaginarios, visión de futuro y proyecto colectivo puesto en locución en las prácticas colectivas del movimiento de desocupados en estudio. La presente investigación busca dar cuenta de los elementos de mediación subjetiva puestos en juego en experiencias de trabajo colectivo a razón de considerar la centralidad de la demanda laboral en la conformación de los movimientos desocupados. De este modo, el análisis contempla el contexto de crisis y transformación de la Argentina neoliberal en las últimas década, permitiéndonos pensar no sólo la relación entre orden social, subjetividad y acción dentro de la perspectiva de un movimiento social en concreto sino, también, abriendo preguntas de interés para otros estudios abocados a la misma problemática