760 resultados para Right of Withdrawal
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This document contains a memorial, which was written by the citizens of Fairfield district of South Carolina, with a purpose of securing their constitutional right of expressing formal sentiments in regard to excluding tariff on woolen manufactures. It was presented to the president and members of the Senate, and to the speaker and members of the House of Representatives in Congress.
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BACKGROUND: The experienced smoker maintains adequate nicotine levels by 'puff-by-puff self-control' which also avoids symptomatic nauseating effects of nicotine overdose. It is postulated that there is a varying 'dynamic threshold for nausea' into which motion sickness susceptibility provides an objective toxin-free probe. Hypotheses were that: (i) nicotine promotes motion sickness whereas deprivation protects; and (ii) pleasurable effects of nicotine protect against motion sickness whereas adverse effects of withdrawal have the opposite effect. METHODS: Twenty-six healthy habitual cigarette smokers (mean±SD) 15.3±7.6cigs/day, were exposed to a provocative cross-coupled (coriolis) motion on a turntable, with sequences of 8 head movements every 30s. This continued to the point of moderate nausea. Subjects were tested after either ad-lib normal smoking (SMOKE) or after overnight deprivation (DEPRIV), according to a repeated measures design counter-balanced for order with 1-week interval between tests. RESULTS: Deprivation from recent smoking was confirmed by objective measures: exhaled carbon monoxide CO was lower (P<0.001) for DEPRIV (8.5±5.6ppm) versus SMOKE (16.0±6.3ppm); resting heart rate was lower (P<0.001) for DEPRIV (67.9±8.4bpm) versus SMOKE (74.3±9.5bpm). Mean±SD sequences of head movements tolerated to achieve moderate nausea were more (P=0.014) for DEPRIV (21.3±9.9) versus SMOKE (18.3±8.5). DISCUSSION: Tolerance to motion sickness was aided by short-term smoking deprivation, supporting Hypothesis (i) but not Hypothesis (ii). The effect was was approximately equivalent to half of the effect of an anti-motion sickness drug. Temporary nicotine withdrawal peri-operatively may explain why smokers have reduced risk for postoperative nausea and vomiting (PONV).
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Recent research on WW1 shows that incidents of fraternization across enemy lines took place regularly. However, fraternization remains a taboo in many contexts. The fact that the 2005 film Joyeux Noel by Christian Caron, which explicitly deals with the subject, encountered resistance from the authorities, is an indication of the kind of difficulty associated with the issue. I am drawing my inspiration from the way fraternizations are depicted in the film and in the literature in order to explore the concept of spatial justice. I define spatial justice as the question that emerges when a body desires to occupy the same space at the same time as another body. Defined like this, the question of spatial justice opens up in the dread of No Man’s Land and in particular the exchange of affects, objects and narratives that went on during fraternizations. I trace the movement of spatial justice as one of withdrawal from the asphyxiating atmosphere of the war and the propaganda machine. This withdrawal is not one of unpatriotic stance but of a courageous and difficult detachment from the supposed legality of the war that could only function on the basis of hate and demonization. While fraternizations did not end the war, they allowed for the possibility of spatial justice to emerge, as an opportunity to reorient the space and the bodies within.
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The main objective of this text is to warn against atmospherics. However comfortable it might appear, an atmosphere is politically suspicious because it numbs a body into an affective embrace of stability and permanence. It becomes doubly suspicious because a body desires to be part of the atmosphere. For this reason, I rethink both affect and atmosphere ontologically rather than phenomenologically. I argue that an atmosphere is engineered by subsuming individual affects to what I call, following Sloterdijk, an atmospheric glasshouse. I suggest that this happens in four steps: a distinction between inside and outside through partitioning; inclusion of the outside inside; illusion of synthesis; and dissimulation. In order to do this, I begin with air as the elemental paradox of ontological continuum and rupture. I carry on with the passage from air to atmosphere while retaining the discourse around continuum and rupture. Finally, I indicate a way of rupturing the atmospheric continuum through the ontological movement of withdrawal from the atmosphere. The ultimate goal of the article is to sketch a problematic of atmospherics that puts together without synthesising an elemental ontology of continuum and rupture.
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The main objective of this text is to warn against atmospherics. However comfortable it might appear, an atmosphere is politically suspicious because it numbs a body into an affective embrace of stability and permanence. It becomes doubly suspicious because a body desires to be part of the atmosphere. For this reason, I rethink both affect and atmosphere ontologically rather than phenomenologically. I argue that an atmosphere is engineered by subsuming individual affects to what I call, following Sloterdijk, an atmospheric glasshouse. I suggest that this happens in four steps: a distinction between inside and outside through partitioning; inclusion of the outside inside; illusion of synthesis; and dissimulation. In order to do this, I begin with air as the elemental paradox of ontological continuum and rupture. I carry on with the passage from air to atmosphere while retaining the discourse around continuum and rupture. Finally, I indicate a way of rupturing the atmospheric continuum through the ontological movement of withdrawal from the atmosphere. The ultimate goal of the article is to sketch a problematic of atmospherics that puts together without synthesising an elemental ontology of continuum and rupture.
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Since the early 1970's, Canadians have expressed many concerns about the growth of government and its impact on their daily lives. The public has requested increased access to government documents and improved protection of the personal information which is held in government files and data banks. At the same time, both academics and practitioners in the field of public administration have become more interested in the values that public servants bring to their decisions and recommendations. Certain administrative values, such as accountability and integrity, have taken on greater relative importance. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the implementation of Ontario's access and privacy law. It centres on the question of whether or not the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, 1987, (FIPPA) has answered the demand for open access to government while at the same time protecting the personal privacy of individual citizens. It also assesses the extent to which this relatively new piece of legislation has made a difference to the people of Ontario. The thesis presents an overview of the issues of freedom of information and protection of privacy in Ontario. It begins with the evolution of the legislation and a description of the law itself. It focuses on the structures and processes which have been established to meet the procedural and administrative demands of the Act. These structures and processes are evaluated in two ways. First, the thesis evaluates how open the Ontario government has become and, second, it determines how Ill carefully the privacy rights of individuals are safeguarded. An analytical framework of administrative values is used to evaluate the overall performance of the government in these two areas. The conclusion is drawn that, overall, the Ontario government has effectively implemented the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, particularly by providing access to most government-held documents. The protection of individual privacy has proved to be not only more difficult to achieve, but more difficult to evaluate. However, the administrative culture of the Ontario bureaucracy is shown to be committed to ensuring that the access and privacy rights of citizens are respected.
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The conceptualization of childhood has changed over the centuries and appears to be undergoing further change in our post-modern culture. While the United Nations Convention on the Right of the Child is designed to give children everywhere basic human rights while taking into consideration their special needs, no recent research has examined adult attitudes toward those rights. In an attempt to understand the attitudes adults hold regarding autonomy rights and to look for some factors that could predict those attitudes, the current study considers values, parenting style, emotions and the issue of parent status as possible predictor variables. A total of 90 participants took part in the research, which had both written and interview components. Results generally failed to establish a reliable set of predictors. However, some interesting information was obtained regarding the endorsement of children's autonomy rights and some general conclusions were reached about our view of children and their rights at the end of the twentieth century.
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The last will and testament of Peter Wright dated December 18, 1812. Transcription of will is below.
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Diploma (vellum) from the Bar of Lower Canada to Edward Bradley Parkin of Quebec conferring upon him the right of practicing as an Advocate, Barrister, Attorney, Solicitor and Proctor-at-Law in all courts in Lower Canada, June 4, 1866.
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Document de travail
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Cet article met en lumière la perspective européenne sur un des plus importants défis que l’Internet et le Web 2.0 présente pour la vie privée et le droit à la protection des données. L’auteur y soulève des problématiques liées à la mémoire numérique et distingue à partir de plusieurs cas où les individus seraient intéressés de réclamer l'oubli tant dans les réseaux sociaux, les journaux officiels des gouvernements et dans les bibliothèques médiatiques numériques. Il trace l’histoire de l’identification du droit à l’oubli dont les fondements ont été définis par les agences françaises, italiennes et espagnoles de protection des données. En conclusion, il pose son regard sur un nouveau cadre européen de la protection des données comprenant le droit individuel à voir leurs données supprimées lorsqu’elles ne sont plus nécessaires à des fins légitimes.
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"L’auteur présente une analyse générale de l’évolution historique et des développements récents du régime des droits d’auteur au Canada. Avec le développement des nouvelles technologies de l’information, et plus spécifiquement de l’Internet, le régime canadien des droits d’auteur nécessiterait d’importantes réformes. L’auteur déplore toutefois les modifications récentes issues de la loi C-60. En effet, selon lui, ces changements ne correspondent pas au régime international proposé par l’Organisation Mondiale de Propriété Intellectuelle. En fait, ceux-ci cadrent beaucoup plus avec la perspective américaine de protection limitative des droits d’auteur. Michael Geist trace d’abord l’historique du développement du régime de protection des droits d’auteur au Canada. Il souligne notamment les modifications législatives importantes de la fin des années 1980 et 1990 qui visaient à renforcer les règles de reconnaissance et de protection des droits que les auteurs canadiens possèdent sur leurs œuvres. Parallèlement, à ces modifications législatives, la Cour Suprême du Canada s’est aussi prononcée sur la question des droits d’auteur en interprétant limitativement la portée de ce régime, facilitant ainsi l’accès des œuvres artistiques au domaine public. L’auteur souligne les divergences et les contradictions entre la conception législative et celle jurisprudentielle de la fonction du régime canadien des droits d’auteur. Le législateur canadien a récemment proposé une nouvelle modification du régime de droits d’auteurs qui consisterait en l’extension des délais obligatoire avant qu’une œuvre couverte par le régime ne soit incluse dans le domaine public. Michael Geist s’oppose à une telle modification et soutient qu’elle entraînerait de nombreuses conséquences négatives pour les auteurs et les artistes canadiens. En effet, cette modification limiterait l’accès des auteurs aux oeuvres antérieures, elle entraverait les opportunités et les capacités commerciales des œuvres canadiennes et restreindrait les domaines de recherche académique. L’auteur aborde par la suite la problématique reliée aux ""Mesures de Protection Techniques"" et à la législation qui les encadre. En analysant les problèmes causés par ces mesures aux États-Unis, il présente leurs effets nuisibles pour les domaines fondamentaux de la liberté de parole et de la recherche académique. Les réformes possibles du régime canadien des droits d’auteur se situent dans une perspective plus ouverte du régime de protection et de promotion des œuvres canadiennes. Ces réformes auraient l’avantage de promouvoir et de protéger les œuvres canadiennes tout en évitant les problèmes causés par les mesures trop limitatives. À ce sujet, l’auteur propose l’établissement d’une bibliothèque digitale nationale, l’abrogation des droits d’auteur de la couronne et un nouveau régime permettant l’utilisation du matériel radiodiffusé de la Société Radio-Canada."
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Globalisation has many facets and its impact on labour is one of the most significant aspects.Though its influence is worldwide,it is much more significant in a transforming economy like India.The right of workers to social security is seen recognised under the Constitution of India and other welfare legislations.But,after adoption of the new economic policy of liberalisation and privatisation by the Government of India,the labour is exposed to new set of challenges.They are posed mainly due to economic restructuring affected in employment relationship,coupled with the increase in unprotected informal labour force.This study is an attempt to analyse the new challenges stemming up in employment relation,efficacy of the existing measures for social security of labour in the present economic condition and the suggestions for securing workers'right to social security in the trade regime.
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This article discusses the problematic and evading development of conscientiousobjection in the context of the Colombian constitutional jurisprudence. From a historical allusion to the famous case of the “Mayflower Pilgrims” –which serve as areference to the central problems that faces the objector–, it seeks to define the scopeof conscientious objection as a fundamental right (as a fundamental justice claim)in regard to the “factual” and “legal” possibilities for its exercise, for which there willbe a brief contrast between the most representative cases decided by the ColombianConstitutional Court in such matter. The core of the article is the idea that thereis an ideological prevalence that, unjustifiably, makes it difficult and in some casesdenies the exercise of the right to object in consciousness, particularly when it comes tothe right of life in regard to the abortion case.
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This paper focuses upon a comparatively overlooked issue with regard to the scope of self-defence in international law: whether the subjective ‘psychological’ positions of the states concerned in a dispute involving the use force have any impact upon the lawfulness of an action avowedly taken in self-defence. There exists a long standing conception that the motives of a state responding in self-defence are relevant to the lawfulness of that response. The purity (or impurity) of a state's motive forms the basis of a distinction for many writers between a lawful self-defence action and an unlawful armed reprisal. Similarly, in recent decisions of the ICJ, the implication has been that the subjective intention of the attacking state may be relevant to the question of whether the attack perpetrated by that state can trigger the right of self-defence. The conclusion is reached here that the lawfulness of an avowed self-defence action should be premised upon objective criteria alone. Moreover, this reflects the law as it is in fact applied in practice. It is argued that the subjective ‘psychological’ position of either the responding or attacking state has no place in the final analysis of whether an action in self-defence was lawful or unlawful.