T-cell receptor antagonists induce Vav phosphorylation by selective activation of Fyn kinase

T cell receptor (TCR) antagonists inhibit antigen-induced T cell activation and by themselves fail to induce phenotypic changes associated with T cell activation. However, we have recently shown that TCR antagonists are inducers of antigen-presenting cell (APC)–T cell conjugates. The signaling pathway associated with this cytoskeleton-dependent event appears to involve tyrosine phosphorylation and activation of Vav. In this study, we investigated the role played by the protein tyrosine kinases Fyn, Lck, and ZAP-70 in antagonist-induced signaling pathway. Antagonist stimulation increased tyrosine phosphorylation and kinase activity of Fyn severalfold, whereas little or no increase in Lck and ZAP-70 activity was observed. Second, TCR stimulation of Lck−, Fynhi Jurkat cells induced strong tyrosine phosphorylation of Vav. In contrast, minimal increase in tyrosine phosphorylation of Vav was observed in Lckhi, Fynlo Jurkat cells. Finally, study of T cells from a Fyn-deficient TCR transgenic mouse also showed that Fyn was required for tyrosine phosphorylation and activation of Vav induced by both antagonist and agonist peptides. The deficiency in Vav phosphorylation in Fyn-deficient T cells was associated with a defect in the formation of APC–T cell conjugates when T cells were stimulated with either agonist or antagonist peptide. We conclude from these results that Vav is a selective substrate for Fyn, especially under conditions of low-affinity TCR-mediated signaling, and that this signaling pathway involving Fyn, Vav, and Rac-1 is required for the cytoskeletal reorganization that leads to T cell–APC conjugates and the formation of the immunologic synapse.

Computational approaches to subjectivity and sentiment analysis: Present and envisaged methods and applications

Recent years have witnessed a surge of interest in computational methods for affect, ranging from opinion mining, to subjectivity detection, to sentiment and emotion analysis. This article presents a brief overview of the latest trends in the field and describes the manner in which the articles contained in the special issue contribute to the advancement of the area. Finally, we comment on the current challenges and envisaged developments of the subjectivity and sentiment analysis fields, as well as their application to other Natural Language Processing tasks and related domains.

Relación del gasto en ocio y vacaciones con variables del ciclo de vida del hogar, demográficas, geográficas y económicas

El gasto en ocio y vacaciones de los hogares puede depender de variables demográficas, geográficas y económicas asociadas al hogar o al sustentador principal. También afecta el tipo de hogar, cuya clasificación puede realizarse según los modelos considerados en la teoría del ciclo de vida del hogar (CVH). En este trabajo, se utiliza el programa estadístico SPAD para aplicar la metodología de la caracterización de la variable y analizar el poder explicativo de un total de doce variables sobre el gasto en “vacaciones todo incluido”, “servicios culturales” y otras cinco partidas destacadas del grupo “Ocio, espectáculos y cultura” de la Encuesta de Presupuestos Familiares (EPF) de España. El estudio confirma el interés de considerar variables como el número de dependientes para segmentar consumidores de ocio y vacaciones, pero no de variables más complejas basadas en modelos del CVH.

Innovación docente para la mejora de competencias en los estudiantes de Psicología de la Instrucción

Este proyecto tiene como objetivo diseñar diferentes actividades y materiales de trabajo para potenciar las competencias propias de la asignatura de Psicología de la Instrucción. Los participantes fueron nueve docentes que pertenecen al Departamento de Psicología Evolutiva y Didáctica de la Universidad de Alicante. Para realizar la investigación se eligió una metodología de trabajo dinámica, participativa y colaborativa, contando con distintas herramientas de comunicación on-line como la Dropbox, el campus virtual y el correo electrónico, así como la participación en dos reuniones presenciales. Finalmente, el equipo diseñó 19 prácticas y siete casos prácticos, estructurados en los apartados de introducción y justificación de la práctica, objetivos, procedimiento, metodología y bibliografía. Se señalan las dificultades encontradas durante la realización de la investigación, las propuestas de mejora, así como, la proyección futura del equipo de trabajo y la difusión de los resultados de la red.

Atacama Desert and Puna de Atacama Region, Chile and Argentina, 1892 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Carta jeogràfica del desierto i cordilleras de Atacama, levantada por la Comisión Esploradora de Atacama ; dibo. N. Boloña ; grabo A. Németh ; Lit. Alemana, Santiago. It was published by Dirección General de Obras Públicas. Seccion de Jeografia y Minas in 1892. Scale 1:1,000,000. Covers the Atacama Desert and Puna de Atacama region, Chile and Argentina. Map in Spanish. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the 'Mercator' projection. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, human settlements, roads, railroads, mines and mineral location, water lines, points of triangulation, territorial boundaries, shoreline features, ports, and more. Relief shown by hachures. Includes 5 insets depiciting mountain ranges entitled : Royeccion Vertical, vista Panorámica ; 2 plans entitled: Rada de Antofagasta -- Plano de la ciudad de Copiapó. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection and the Harvard University Library as part of the Open Collections Program at Harvard University project: Organizing Our World: Sponsored Exploration and Scientific Discovery in the Modern Age. Maps selected for the project correspond to various expeditions and represent a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

Russia’s Punitive Trade Policy Measures towards Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. CEPS Working Document No. 400, September 2014

While EU and US sanctions against Russia over its aggression in Ukraine, and Russia’s counter-sanctions, are much discussed due to their evident political significance, less attention has been given to Russia’s punitive sanctions against the three Eastern European states – Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia – that have signed with the EU Association Agreements (AA), which include Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) provisions. This paper therefore documents these trade policy restrictions and embargoes imposed by Russia, and provides some first indications of their impact. The immediate impact on trade flows, especially for agri-food products, has been substantial, albeit with some leakage through Belarus. The main instrument for the Russian measures has been allegations of non-conformity with Russian technical standards, although the correlation of these allegations with movements in Russia’s geopolitical postures makes it obvious that the Russian technical agencies are following political guidelines dressed up as scientific evidence. These measures also push the three states into diversifying their trade marketing efforts in favour of the EU and other world markets, with Georgia already having taken significant steps in this direction, since in its case the Russian sanctions date back to 2006. In the case of Ukraine, Russia’s threat to cancel CIS free trade preferences infiltrated trilateral talks between the EU, Ukraine and Russia, leading on 12 September to their proposed postponement until the end of 2015 of the ‘provisional’ implementation of a large part of the AA/DCFTA. This was immediately followed on 16 September by ratification of the AA/DCFTA by both the Rada in Kyiv and the European Parliament, which will lead to its full and definitive entry into force when the 28 EU member states have also ratified it. However Putin followed the day after with a letter to Poroshenko making an abusive interpretation of the 12 September understanding.

Before the parliamentary elections in Ukraine. OSW Commentary No. 149, 15.10.2014

The parliamentary elections to be held in Ukraine on 26 October will bring about deep changes in the political composition of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament. It is very probable that after the elections only one or two of the five parties which are represented in the parliament today will remain, and the leading positions will be taken by groupings who were still considered marginal a year ago. The Petro Poroshenko Bloc, a party which according to polls can count on victory, did not exist a year ago and today still remains in the construction phase. It is likely that around two-thirds of the newly elected deputies will be people with no parliamentary or even no political experience. On the one hand, this may be a strong impetus to revival; but on the other the lack of experience of most of the parliamentarians may be a problem. Another source of potential problems may be the process of consolidating the internally unstable political parties which have emerged during the electoral campaign. All of the parties which will count in the upcoming elections have a pro-European programme. It is probable that the numerous supporters of an anti-Western orientation (although not necessarily a pro-Russian orientation, as recent events have shown) will be represented by very few deputies elected in single-mandate constituencies. On the one hand, this homogeneity within the Rada will facilitate the country’s reforms, including work on the new constitution, while on the other it might be a subject of permanent criticism by Moscow and its Ukrainian representatives. The elections will take place in the conditions of a growing wave of social disappointment and ongoing military actions in the eastern part of the country. Nevertheless, it can be expected that the vote will be held without any major disturbances, and its course will be transparent and fair.

2002 Parliamentary elections in Ukraine: Events, results and consequences; Ukraine's Parliamentary system after the elections. OSW Study 8/2003

2002 elections: On 31 March 2002, parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine. As expected, they were a major success for the centrist-rightist coalition focused around former Prime Minister Viktor Yuschenko. The communists emerged significantly weaker from the vote, and the "party of power" achieved a poor result. Yet, due to the mixed electoral law (half of the deputies were elected in single-mandate districts), the latter block, firmly supported by President Leonid Kuchma, resulted as the main force in Parliament. The results of particular parties and blocks were as follows: Viktor Yuschenko's Block received 23.57% of votes and 112 seats, the Communist Party of Ukraine - 19.98% of votes and 66 seats, the "For One Ukraine" block - 11.77% of votes and 101 seats, Yulia Tymoshenko's Block - 7.26% of votes and 22 seats, the Socialist Party of Ukraine - 6.87% of votes and 22 seats, and the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) - 6.27% of votes and 24 seats. This shows how the mixed electoral regulations favour "For One Ukraine" and act against Yuschenko's block. One should note, however, that the latter gained the support of less than one quarter of voters. After the election: The dominant force in Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada, elected in March 2002, are the deputies of "One Ukraine", a fraction of the pro-presidential centre. "One Ukraine" has refused to admit any of the opposition's representatives (either from the right or left wings) into the parliament's presidium, but has accepted opposition-appointed heads of many parliamentary commissions. Viktor Yuschenko's "Our Ukraine", which has been the largest parliamentary fraction since June, attempted to proclaim itself the centre of the parliamentary majority, but its policy was awkward and inconsistent, and the main success of this club was that it didn't break up. Viktor Yuschenko's moves have been particularly incoherent and they undermined the image of Yuschenko as Ukraine's future leader, created throughout the course of the electoral campaign. In autumn, the main oligarchic groups and their representative fractions ("One Ukraine", which proved to be a useless instrument, was dissolved in June), reached a compromise with the president. It was agreed that the new prime minister should be a Donetsk clan representative (Viktor Yanukovych), and that the Dnipropetrovsk clan should appoint the president of the National Bank of Ukraine (this position went to Serhij Tihipko). The Kyiv clan obtained the President's Administration (Viktor Medvedchuk was appointed in spring) and a considerable number of parliamentary commissions. The president's interests in the government are to be protected by Mykola Azarov, former Head of the State Tax Administration. This compromise "package" was designed to secure the shares of the main oligarchic clans in the power and the president's strong position as mediator.

The electoral success of the Svoboda Party - the consequences for Ukrainian politics. OSW Commentary No. 97, 2012-11-26

The All-Ukrainian Association ‘Svoboda’ scored an unexpected success in the parliamentary elections, winning support from over 10% of the voters and entering the select group of Ukrainian parliamentary parties which operate at a national level. Svoboda’s manifesto is nationalist and anti-liberal, in both economic and political aspects. It is in fact the anti-liberal component of this party’s manifesto which it can thank for achieving such a big electoral success. The faction formed by Svoboda’s 37 representatives in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian parliament) will have a small impact on legislative work, but their activity may add further to the brutalisation of parliamentary life. Furthermore, Svoboda will attempt to make other opposition groupings adopt a more radical approach, which may trigger the disintegration of the United Opposition Baktivshchyna. A new wave of public protests is likely to emerge in Ukraine in the coming months. Therefore, it can be expected that Svoboda will make efforts to join in or even incite them, in order to promote its social and nationalist messages. This may contribute to increasing the popularity of nationalist ideas and to a further radicalisation of sentiments in Ukraine.

Labores parlamentarias de Congreso y de la honorable Cámara de Diputados /

"Contiene el texto de las leyes, resoluciones y minutas de comunicación aprobadas en las sesiones ordinarias y extraordinarias de dicha Legislatura; así como los proyectos de ley en trámite y los pendientes; solicitudes despachadas y demás actos parlamentarios."

Evolution of the horse brain.

Bibliography: p. 170-174.

Maiden verses,

Mode of access: Internet.

LTPP seasonal monitoring program : instrumentation installation and data collection guidelines /

"April 1994."

Study of LTPP distress data variability /

"September 1999."

Bibliografía Colombina. Enumeración de libros y documentos concernientes á Cristobal Colón y sus viajes; obra que publica la Real academia de la historia por encargo de la Junta directiva del cuarto centenario del descubrimiento de América.

For criticism and additions see H. Harrisse, Christophe Colomb et les académiciens espagnols. (in Zentralblatt für bibliothekswesen, 1894, 11: 1-70) : also published separately.