844 resultados para Public cultural policy


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Tobacco-smoking prevalence has been decreasing in many high-income countries, but not in prison. We provide a summary of recent data on smoking in prison (United States, Australia, and Europe), and discuss examples of implemented policies for responding to environmental tobacco smoke (ETS), their health, humanitarian, and ethical aspects. We gathered data through a systematic literature review, and added the authors' ongoing experience in the implementation of smoking policies outside and inside prisons in Australia and Europe. Detainees' smoking prevalence varies between 64 per cent and 91.8 per cent, and can be more than three times as high as in the general population. Few data are available on the prevalence of smoking in women detainees and staff. Policies vary greatly. Bans may either be 'total' or 'partial' (smoking allowed in cells or designated places). A comprehensive policy strategy to reduce ETS needs a harm minimization philosophy, and should include environmental restrictions, information, and support to detainees and staff for smoking cessation, and health staff training in smoking cessation.

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Background: ln Switzerland no HIV test is performed without the patient's consent based on a Voluntary Counseling and Testing policy (VCT). We hypothesized that a substantial proportion of patients going through an elective surgery falsely believed that an HIV test was performed on a routine basis and that the lack of transmission of result was interpreted as being HIV negative. Method: All patients with elective orthopedic surgery during 2007 were contacted by phone in 2008. A structured questionnaire assessed their belief about routine preoperative blood analysis (diabetes, coagulation function, HIV test and cholesterol level) as well as result awareness and interpretation. Variables included age and gender. Analysis were conducted using the software JMP 6.0.3. Results: 1123 patients were included. 130 (12 %) were excluded (Le. unreachable, unable to communicate on the phone, not operated). 993 completed the survey (89 %). Median age was 51 (16-79). 50 % were female. 376 (38 %) patients thought they had an HIV test performed before surgery but none of them had one. 298 (79 %) interpreted the absence of result as a negative HIV test. A predictive factor to believe an HIV test had been done was an age below 50 years old (45 % vs 33 % for 16-49 years old and 50-79 years old respectively, p < 0.001). No difference was observed between genders. Conclusion: ln Switzerland, nearly 40 % of the patients falsely thought an HIV test had been performed on a routine basis before surgery and were erroneously reassured about their HIV status. These results should either improve the information given to the patient regarding preoperative exams, or motivate public health policy to consider HIV opt-out screening instead of VCT strategy.

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The calculation of disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) enables public health policy makers to compare the burden of disease of a specific disease with that of other (infectious) diseases. The incidence of a disease is important for the calculation of DALYs. To estimate the incidence of congenital toxoplasmosis (CT), a random sample of 10,008 dried blood spot filter paper cards from babies born in 2006 in the Netherlands were tested for Toxoplasma gondii-specific IgM antibodies. Eighteen samples were confirmed as positive for IgM, resulting in an observed birth incidence of CT of 1.8 cases per 1,000 live-born children in 2006 and an adjusted incidence of 2.0 cases per 1,000. This means that 388 infected children were born in 2006. The most likely burden of disease is estimated to be 2,300 DALYs (range 820-6,710 DALYs). In the previous calculations, using data from a regional study from 1987, this estimate was 620 DALYs (range 220-1,900 DALYs). The incidence of CT in the Netherlands is much higher than previously reported; it is 10 times higher than in Denmark and 20 times higher than in Ireland, based on estimates obtained using the same methods. There is no screening program in the Netherlands; most children will be born asymptomatic and therefore will not be detected or treated.

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Qui sait qu'en Suisse, les associations patronales mettent en oeuvre l'Etat social ? Qui sait que associations organisent la majorité des caisses de compensation, dont la fonction principale est de collecter les cotisations et de payer les rentes de l'Assurance-vieillesse et survivants ? Qui connaît ces caisses par lesquelles transitent les milliards de l'Etat social ? L'objectif de cette thèse consiste à comprendre les raisons qui ont poussé le patronat helvétique à mettre en oeuvre les politiques de protection sociale, dont il a pourtant toujours essayé de limiter le développement. Résoudre ce paradoxe implique de se pencher sur près d'un siècle d'histoire mêlée du patronat et des politiques sociales. Ce travail retrace, sur la base d'archives privées et publiques souvent inédites, les raisons qui ont poussé les patrons à créer les premières caisses de compensation dans l'entre-deux-guerres, puis à imposer cette forme d'organisation pour l'aide aux soldats mobilisés (autour de 1940) et l'Assurance- vieillesse et survivants (autour de 1948). Il étudie également comment les associations patronales sont parvenues à défendre leurs caisses jusqu'à aujourd'hui, contre ceux qui dénonçaient l'irrationalité de l'existence d'une centaine de caisses de compensation publiques et privées concurrentes pour mettre en oeuvre un seul système d'assurances sociales. Cette recherche amène deux grands résultats. D'une part, elle propose une histoire originale des politiques sociales en Suisse. Le prisme des caisses de compensation patronales contribue en effet à interroger notre compréhension de l'histoire des politiques de protection sociale, dans laquelle on sous-estime parfois l'importance des conflits pour fixer les frontières entre formes de protection publique et privée. D'autre part, ce travail présente une histoire inédite de l'action collective des patrons dans les régulations du travail au sens large. A travers les caisses de compensation, c'est en effet à réaliser une histoire de l'Union centrale des associations patronales suisses que je me suis aussi attelé. Faute de parvenir à empêcher tout développement des politiques sociales, les patrons ont fait en sorte d'acquérir sur ces politiques une forme de mainmise. Entre histoire des politiques sociales et histoire du patronat, ce travail tente d'expliquer comment les caisses de compensation y ont contribué. Who knows that, in Switzerland, employers' associations implement the best known policies constituting the welfare state? Who knows that the equalization funds, (Caisses de compensation / Ausgleichskassen), organized by employers' associations or by the Swiss Cantons, are responsible for pooling payroll deductions and for paying benefits of the Swiss public pay-as-you-go, old-age insurance and many other branches of the welfare policies? Who knows these caisses de compensation that channel the monies dedicated to the financing of the Welfare state ? The main objective of this research is to understand the reasons why Swiss employers do implement such welfare policies that they usually reject for political reasons. In order to solve this puzzle, this research investigates half of a century of the connected histories of welfare policies and employers' collective action. It also investigates, based on public and private archive records, how employers founded the first caisses in the Interwar period, and imposed them to organize the main developments of the Welfare state during the Second World War. The research also underlines how employers defended their caisses de compensation against those questioning the rationality of this fragmented system aiming to implement one single set of public welfare through one hundred competing private and public caisses de compensation. This research highlights two main results. On the one hand, it helps to improve our understanding of the history of the welfare policies in Switzerland. Underlining the role of the caisses de compensation helps to highlight the importance of the interplay of public and private actors regarding social polices. On the other hand, this research charts a pioneering history of Swiss' employers' collective action regarding labor issues. Because they could not prevent all public welfare policy, employers achieved a form of stranglehold (mainmise) on the welfare State. Halfway between social policy and employers' associations' history, this research try to reveal how their caisses de compensation helped them in this objective.

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El projecte « Teixint Cultures » és un projecte de recerca-acció comunitari que intenta promoure des de l’àmbit de l’educació d’adults, l’aprenentatge de la llengua catalana a partir dels recursos lingüístics que les mares d’origen africà tenen en la seva llengua familiar. El programa es porta a terme des d’una biblioteca pública infantil, i atén a mares d’origen immigrat amb fills menors de tres anys no escolaritzats al seu càrrec. Tot el projecte està vehiculat a partir dels contes infantils. De fet, intenta recuperar els contes de tradició oral provinents del continent africà per posteriorment elaborar materials educatius bilingües (en català i en les seves llengües) que es puguin utilitzar com a llibres educatius de consulta, tant per les biblioteques públiques com pels centres educatius. Els resultats s'agrupen entres àmbits a) descripció de les característiques metodològiques i organitzatives que han fet possible el projecte; b) impacte del projecte en les participants (aprenentatge del català, actituds, satisfacció i autoestima, pràctiques al voltant de la narració i la lectura de contes a la llar); i c) impacte del projecte a la biblioteca i al context local de la població de Salt. El futur del projecte es relaciona amb el Pla d'Entorn lligat amb l'establiment de relacions de continuïtat família-escola, implicació de les entitats i associacions de persones estrangeres i el tractament educatiu de la llengua familiar de l'alumnat.

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De successifs Gouvernements du Portugal, Organisations du Gouvernement Portugais et ses représentants légitimes, non mal de fois, s’affolent à associer la Langue Portugaise non seulement à l’identité Nationale mais aussi comme un moyen de reconnaissance internationale du pays, liée à une vision plus élargie reliée au concept géolinguistique et géopolitique de Lusophonie. Un concept particulièrement important et opératif qu’il est assimilé à l’image d’autres langues de présence globale ou, du moins, comme des langues de communication international intercontinental – comme les pays Anglophones, Spanophones et Francophones -. Le but, est celui de promouvoir l’usage international de la langue portugaise aussi que le développement économique et social des huit pays rassemblés à la Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise (CPLP). Cette étude, essaye de trouver les relations entre le discours officiel diffusé et les programmes de chaque Gouvernement depuis 1974. Une recherche sur la promotion, diffusion et/ou défense de la langue portugaise soit en temps que PLE (Portugais Langue Étrangère), soit en temps que dans le domaine de l’usage de la Langue Portugaise dans les différents Forums Internationaux dont le Portugal et les autres pays de langue portugaise font partie. Les discours et les documents officiels nous présentent toujours la promotion et diffusion de la langue comme une priorité, un impératif national, il est donc aussi impératif de confronter tous ces mots, dits et écrits, avec la réalité de l’action politique, voir, la politique de la langue effectivement mise en place, par les successifs gouvernements.

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Sucessivos Governos, Organizações Governamentais e responsáveis desses Governos e Organizações têm apresentado até ao presente e de forma veemente e repetida uma sistemática ligação da língua portuguesa não só à identidade nacional como também a uma forma de reconhecimento internacional ligada a uma visão mais ampla, geolinguística e geopolítica de uma Lusofonia, capaz de agir de forma concertada conforme ao exemplo de outros blocos político-linguísticos, como o Francófono, o Espanófono ou o Anglófono, por forma a promover o uso alargado da língua portuguesa como língua internacional e o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países membros da Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP). Este trabalho é um estudo sobre a indissociável relação entre as reiteradas afirmações constantes no discurso oficial e nos documentos legais que as suportam no que respeita à promoção e difusão do uso da Língua Portuguesa quer como Língua Estrangeira (PLE), quer na promoção do seu uso nas Organizações Internacionais de que Portugal, os Países de Língua Portuguesa ou de Língua Oficial Portuguesa fazem parte. Este discurso oficial sobre a língua e a documentação legal que a suporta, que surge sempre apresentado como uma prioridade política e como desígnio nacional, impõe a necessária confrontação entre a afirmação daqueles propósitos e a realidade da política de língua implementada de facto, ou seja, a forma como esse desígnio nacional é levado à prática pelo Estado e, logo, pelos governantes que agem em seu nome e definem esta política de língua externa ao longo de um período de cerca de 30 anos de democracia em que este estudo se centra.

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Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

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Abstract: The debate over expertice in cultural policy

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"Health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity" states the WHO. However, the current focus in this important area seems to be on reducing diseases, while less attention is paid on aspects how to increase the well-being of populations. This paper reviews three examples where well-being has drawn attention of the public and policy makers, and compares the policies of two wealthy countries. The first example is noise. Noise can reduce sleep quality and cause physiological, mental, and social effects. In Switzerland, noise receives a lot of attention by the public. Swiss laws are extensive, e.g., they prohibit trucks and planes from traveling at night. In the USA, there is little public attention and no national strategy against environmental noise. The second example is aesthetics and recreation. Many humans seek contact with the beauty of nature. The USA and Switzerland have similar strategies for achieving clear waters, while the protection of scenic views is approached very differently. Lifestyle is the last example. In the USA, the desire for individual freedom is a leading cause for suburban sprawl, a car-dependent sedentary lifestyle resulting in obesity, asthma and loss of community spirit. In Switzerland, a strict land use planning seeks to balance individual and public interests and stresses public transportation, which seems to be a more promising approach. Paying attention to aspects of well-being while developing political strategies might be a promising model to tackle environmental problems. Successful strategies employed so far seem to include the public, local authorities, politicians and scientists in this process, which might have been a key for their success. [Authors]

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BACKGROUND: There is increasing interest in provision of essential surgical care as part of public health policy in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). Relatively simple interventions have been shown to prevent death and disability. We reviewed the published literature to examine the cost-effectiveness of simple surgical interventions which could be made available at any district hospital, and compared these to standard public health interventions. METHODS: PubMed and EMBASE were searched using single and combinations of the search terms "disability adjusted life year" (DALY), "quality adjusted life year," "cost-effectiveness," and "surgery." Articles were included if they detailed the cost-effectiveness of a surgical intervention of relevance to a LMIC, which could be made available at any district hospital. Suitable articles with both cost and effectiveness data were identified and, where possible, data were extrapolated to enable comparison across studies. RESULTS: Twenty-seven articles met our inclusion criteria, representing 64 LMIC over 16 years of study. Interventions that were found to be cost-effective included cataract surgery (cost/DALY averted range US$5.06-$106.00), elective inguinal hernia repair (cost/DALY averted range US$12.88-$78.18), male circumcision (cost/DALY averted range US$7.38-$319.29), emergency cesarean section (cost/DALY averted range US$18-$3,462.00), and cleft lip and palate repair (cost/DALY averted range US$15.44-$96.04). A small district hospital with basic surgical services was also found to be highly cost-effective (cost/DALY averted 1 US$0.93), as were larger hospitals offering emergency and trauma surgery (cost/DALY averted US$32.78-$223.00). This compares favorably with other standard public health interventions, such as oral rehydration therapy (US$1,062.00), vitamin A supplementation (US$6.00-$12.00), breast feeding promotion (US$930.00), and highly active anti-retroviral therapy for HIV (US$922.00). CONCLUSIONS: Simple surgical interventions that are life-saving and disability-preventing should be considered as part of public health policy in LMIC. We recommend an investment in surgical care and its integration with other public health measures at the district hospital level, rather than investment in single disease strategies.

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Background and aim of the study: In Switzerland no HIV test is performed without the patient's consent based on a Voluntary Counseling and Testing policy (VCT). We hypothesized that a substantial proportion of patients going through an elective surgery falsely believed that an HIV test was performed on a routine basis and that the lack of transmission of result was interpreted as being HIV negative. Material and method: All patients with elective orthopedic surgery during 2007 were contacted by phone in 2008. A structured questionnaire assessed their belief about routine preoperative blood analysis (glycemia, coagulation capacity, HIV serology and cholesterol) as well as result awareness and interpretation. Variables included age and gender. Analysis were conducted using the software JMP 6.0.3. Results: 1123 patients were included. 130 (12%) were excluded (i.e. unreachable, unable to communicate on the phone, not operated). 993 completed the survey (89%). Median age was 51 (16-79). 50% were female. 376 (38%) patients thought they had an HIV test performed before surgery but none of them had one. 298 (79%) interpreted the absence of result as a negative HIV test. A predictive factor to believe an HIV test had been done was an age below 50 years old (45% vs 33% for 16-49 years old and 50-79 years old respectively, p <0.001). No difference was observed between genders. Conclusion: In Switzerland, nearly 40% of the patients falsely thought an HIV test had been performed on a routine basis before surgery and were erroneously reassured about their HIV status. These results should either improve the information given to the patient regarding preoperative exams, or motivate public health policy to consider HIV opt-out screening, as patients are already expecting it.

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This article focuses on Barcelona"s art market to explore the underlying factors behind the clustering of art dealers in several of the city"s districts. Drawing upon quantitative and qualitative data, the article analyses how such clustering reveals a strategic action in the sense attributed to it by Crozier and Friedberg (1981). Gallery districts are not a reflection of structural factors (economic, urban development-related or social) but the result of a combination of strategic choices either individual or collective which explain the permanence of leading gallery districts or the emergence of new ones.

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En el marco de la actual reducción de los presupuestos públicos dedicados a cultura, ha surgido el debate en torno a la necesidad de aumentar la sostenibilidad de los equipamientos culturales. No obstante, los autores plantean que ello requiere una modernización del modelo de gestión de los equipamientos culturales: la agencialización, la contractualización de las relaciones entre las administraciones públicas y los equipamientos culturales y la evaluación de sus resultados e impactos. A partir del análisis de dos países pioneros en este proceso, Inglaterra y Francia, el artículo se centra en el análisis comparativo de los procesos de modernización de la gestión de los equipamientos culturales en la Comunidad Autónoma de Madrid y la de Cataluña. La conclusión es que las diferencias entre estas dos comunidades se deben a las diferencias del contexto político-administrativo, esto es, al modelo de gestión de las políticas culturales. Asimismo, en ambos casos, el reto de modernización de la gestión de los equipamientos culturales no solo debe implicar cambios de gestión económica, sino un cambio en la tutela y en la misión, que debe orientarse hacia la creación de valor público.