967 resultados para Politicians elites
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Why do Argentines continue to support democracy despite distrusting political institutions and politicians? Support for democracy is high even though performance of the regime is poor. One would suspect that poor economic and political performance would open the door for military intervention given the history of Argentina. What changed? What explains variance across the multiple dimensions of political trust, such as trust in the regime, trust in political institutions, and trust in politicians? This dissertation is a case study of political culture through public opinion exploring the multiple dimensions of political trust in Argentina during the 1990s. ^ Variance across the different dimensions of political trust may be an indicator of the rise of a new type of citizens called "critical citizens." Critical citizens are citizens who criticize the regime to obtain democratic reforms but support the ideals of democracy. In established democracies, the rise of critical citizens is explained by a shift in individuals' value priorities towards postmaterialism. Postmaterialism is a cultural change in the direction of values that emphasize self-realization and individual well-being. Postmaterialism influences various social and political attitudes. ^ Because Argentina is experiencing a cultural change and a rise of critical citizens similar to more advanced societies, the theory of postmaterialism generated the main hypothesis to explain the multiple dimensions of political trust. This dissertation also tested an alternative explanation: the multiple dimensions of political trust responded instead to citizens' evaluations of performance. Ultimately, postmaterialism explained trust in the political regime and trust in the political institutions. Contrary to expectations, postmaterialism did not explain trust in the political elites or politicians. Trust in politicians was better explained by the alternative hypothesis, performance. ^ The main method of research was the statistical method supplemented with the comparative method when data were available. Two main databases were used: the World Values Surveys and the Latinobarometer. ^
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Since the 1985 return to democracy, Brazilian politicians have resorted to vote-pooling arrangements to elect representatives. A puzzle thus presents itself: What drives parties to join these electoral cartels? The dissertation unraveled the incentives party elites have to participate in coalitions under a presidencialist system of government. I also investigated the effect of electoral coalitions on congressional representation. I applied a model of binary outcomes and relied on standard deviations to assess the ideological homogeneity/heterogeneity of electoral coalitions. I also calculated the Index of Disproportionality to measure the gaps between the proportion of votes and seats received by all parties in Brazil with and without electoral coalitions. Finally, I assessed the effects of the electoral formula on proportionality. An unexpected exogenous factor resulted crucial in explaining proportional electoral coalition building: The district's majoritarian election for governor. In each district, political actors often synchronize coalition partners to maximize winning results while minimizing electoral efforts.
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The primary focus of this dissertation is to determine the degree to which political, economic, and socio-cultural elites in Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago influenced the development of the Caribbean Court of Justice's (CCJ) original jurisdiction. As members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), both states replaced their protectionist model with open regionalism at the end of the 1980s. Open regionalism was adopted to make CARICOM member states internationally competitive. Open regionalism was also expected to create a stable regional trade environment. To ensure a stable economic environment, a regional court with original jurisdiction was proposed. A six member Preparatory Committee on the Caribbean Court of Justice (PREPCOM), on which Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago sat, was formed to draft the Agreement Establishing the Caribbean Court of Justice that would govern how the Court would interpret the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (RTC) and enforce judgments. ^ Through the use of qualitative research methods, namely elite interviews, document data, and text analysis, and a focus on three levels of analysis, that is, the international, regional, and domestic, three major conclusions are drawn. First, changes in the international economic environment caused Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago to support the establishment of a regional court. Second, Jamaica had far greater influence on the final structure of the CCJ than Trinidad & Tobago. Third, it was found that in both states the political elite had the greatest influence on the development and structure of the CCJ. The economic elite followed by the socio-cultural elite were found to have a lesser impact. These findings are significant because they account for the impact of elites and elite behavior on institutions in a much-neglected category of states: the developing world.^
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Fil: Martínez, María Elena. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
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Fil: Martínez, María Elena. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
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Fil: Martínez, María Elena. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
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n January 2014, the Northern Ireland Policing Board (NIPB) commissioned the University of Ulster to conduct research into public confidence in policing to help inform the work of the Board and its oversight of police service delivery. More specifically, the research team were tasked with exploring ‘the influence that politicians, community leaders and the media have on public confidence in policing in Northern Ireland’. To date, the subject of ‘confidence in policing’ within a Northern Ireland context has been relatively under researched, both in academic and policy terms. Thus, the present research is the first empirical research to be produced in Northern Ireland which considers the issue of confidence in policing from the perspective of community leaders, politicians and the media – including the key influences and dynamics which underpin police confidence at a community level.
The report begins with a comprehensive review of academic literature, policy documents and contemporary events related to confidence in policing. The research then provides an overview of the methodology used to undertake the research, with the remainder of the report comprised of the findings from the discussions with representatives from the media, political parties and the community and voluntary sector who participated. The report concludes with an overview of the central findings along with a series of recommendations.
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This study provides an empirical comparative case study of representative claims-making in EU budget negotiations. Two questions are addressed in this paper. First, the paper asks what the role of elected or appointed partisan politicians is in comparison to other representatives. This question is relevant given the reported increasing importance of non-elected representatives. Secondly, the paper asks what the influence of institutional factors is on the practice of representative claims-making. As representative claims-making unfolds in the public sphere, the institutional factors of the public sphere may affect both the claimants it provides a platform for as well as constituencies represented. The paper finds that politicians continue to perform a crucial role in representation, both with regards to their prominence in the public sphere and with regards to the plurality of constituencies represented in their claims. Although institutional factors clearly affect claimants, there are much less pronounced – though noticeable – differences in the constituencies represented in different public spheres. The overall picture is one of a highly plural representative space in which multiple claimants compete with each other to get their message across. In doing so, claimants address the interests of multiple constituencies. It may well be the inherent competition among claimants, fostered by institutional factors, that ensures the plurality of the EU representative space.
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This paper analyses the intermediary role of the technical bodies that support the use of budgetary and financial information by central government politicians in Portugal. The main findings show that information brokers are playing a central role in preparing this information in a credible, simple and understandable way. However, even if not intentionally, the information they present can be biased. Politicians need to be aware that the information brokers they rely on may not be giving them ‘neutral’ information.
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Reform, by definition, is not a complete break with tradition, but a determination by scholars, activists, politicians and critical thinkers to re-claim the tenets of their faith. Muslim communities have historically displayed a tendency to preserve the status quo.By contrast, the individuals and movements in Islam and the Question of Reform are determined—often at great personal risk—to push aside existing political and social elites and the historically accepted interpretations of Islam and its place in society.The perspectives examined in this volume avoid superficial or apologetic examinations of Islam's political and social role. Instead, they meticulously scrutinise the religion's public role, often questioning the validity of dogmas that have acted as tools of empowerment for existing elites for centuries.
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A tese examina a relação entre as elites e a educação em Portugal durante a Monarquia Constitucional e na Iª República. Em primeiro lugar caracteriza o quadro europeu no qual emergiram os modernos sistemas de ensino, focando-se depois na análise dos processos de segmentação que separaram o ensino clássico do ensino técnico, passando em revista a literatura sobre o reformismo educativo português. Em segundo, analisa o processo de segmentação na cidade de Évora, capital de uma região caracterizada pela prática de uma agricultura essencialmente extensiva e comercial, na qual estavam implantadas as instituições de ensino que constituem o objeto de estudo: o Liceu e a Escola Industrial. Em terceiro, procede à caracterização dos espaços escolares; em quarto estuda as condutas públicas dos agentes educativos, em particular dos reitores e dos professores, colocando em destaque a sua intervenção pública; em quinto, caracteriza a procura a que foram sujeitos os vários institutos de ensino estudados: a ênfase foi colocada na mobilidade geográfica aferida a partir da naturalidade dos alunos e da residência dos pais; em sexto, foi efetuada a análise da extração social dos alunos e o perfil ocupacional dos pais. Finalmente, em último lugar, foram reconstituídos os percursos académicos e profissionais dos alunos liceais no arco cronológico antes enunciado; Elites and Education.School itineraries and career paths.Alentejo, 19th and 20th centuries. Abstract: The thesis examines the relation between elites and education in Portugal, during the Constitutional Monarchy and the First Republic. Firstly, it characterises the European context in which modern teaching systems emerged and it focuses on the analysis of the processes of segmentation that separate classic and technical teaching. It reviews literature on Portuguese educational reformism, centred on classic and technical teaching. Secondly, it analyses the process of segmentation in Évora, capital of a region that is characterised by agriculture, which is essentially extensive and commercial, home to the education institutions our study focuses on: the Liceu and the Industrial School. Thirdly, school facilities are characterised; then, public behaviour of educators, namely that of headmasters and teachers, highlighting their public intervention; it characterises the demand in these institutions - the emphasis is placed on geographic mobility, considering students' birthplace and their parents' residence; a study on students' backgrounds and parents' occupational profiles is carried out. Eventually, the academic and professional itineraries of Liceu students' are reconstituted, within the formerly described chronological arch.