944 resultados para Political Thought


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Son pocas las obras de referencia que se detienen en analizar la importancia de la biografía de Rahel Varnhagen en el contexto de la producción de Hannah Arendt. Sin embargo, creemos poder afirmar que este estudio se constituye en un elemento fundamental para el debate acerca de su posición respecto de la tradición de la filosofía alemana así como para indagar en la conformación de su pensamiento político. En este sentido con la biografía de Rahel, Arendt inicia un itinerario de pensamiento, en el que la acción misma de relatar es un acto de responsabilidad , un acto político que testimonia y revela un comienzo.

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Este trabajo pretende echar cierta luz sobre el papel del miedo en el pensamiento político de Hobbes. Sabido es que esta pasión subyace al contrato social, en el sentido de que impulsa al hombre a abandonar el estado de naturaleza a fin de encontrar seguridad y de deshacerse de la amenaza de la muerte violenta. Teniendo en cuenta que el miedo y la muerte son inseparables en la filosofía de Hobbes, surge una pregunta fundamental: ¿hasta qué punto podemos decir que el miedo desaparece completamente después del contrato social? En Hobbes, el miedo parecería ser una característica intrínseca del hombre.

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Esta tese tem como tema principal o discurso ambiental local. Trata-se de uma proposta de análise, que pode ser aplicada a este tipo de discurso em qualquer localidade, e um estudo de caso, que aplicou a análise proposta na tese. O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi analisar a informação local sobre meio ambiente veiculada por meio dos discursos jornalístico, político e empresarial, estabelecendo relações históricas, sociais e ideológicas do discurso ambiental que permeiam as três áreas em questão. A metodologia incluiu três fases: pesquisa bibliográfica e revisão de literatura sobre os principais conceitos levantados no trabalho; levantamento de discursos locais disponíveis na mídia para análise no estudo de caso; análise dos discursos a partir de protocolo elaborado com base na Análise do Discurso de linha francesa. O estudo de caso traz a análise do discurso ambiental no município de Frutal-MG, onde hoje estão em andamento várias pesquisas e projetos na área ambiental. A principal conclusão do trabalho confirma a hipótese da pesquisa de que a informação ambiental fruto dos discursos político, jornalístico e empresarial em âmbito local tem caráter predominantemente situacional, mercadológico e propagandístico, pouco focada em conscientizar e educar e com ênfase em interesses comerciais e eleitorais e na resolução de problemas emergenciais.

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This research provides an institutional explanation of the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system from the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922 to the Arab Spring. My explanation consists of two institutional variables: sovereignty and inter-state borders. I examine the changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and their impact on the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system. I also examine the impact of the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders in the Arab World on the practices of external intervention. I argue that changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and changes in the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders have constituted the significant variation over time in both the frequency and type of external intervention in the Arab state system from 1922 to the present. My institutional explanation and findings seriously challenge the traditional accounts of sovereignty and intervention in the Arab World, including the cultural perspectives that emphasize the conflict between sovereignty, Arabism, and Islam, the constructivist accounts that emphasize the regional norm of pan-Arabism, the comparative politics explanations that focus on the domestic material power of the Arab state, the post-colonial perspectives that emphasize the artificiality of the Arab state, and the realist accounts that focus on great powers and the regional distribution of power in the Middle East. This research also contributes to International Relations Theory. I construct a new analytical framework to study the relations between sovereignty, borders, and intervention, combining theoretical elements from the fields of Role Theory, Social Constructivism, and Institutionalization. Methodologically, this research includes both quantitative and qualitative analysis. I conduct content analysis of official documents of Arab states and the Arab League, Arabic press documents, and Arab political thought. I also utilize quantitative data sets on international intervention.

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Introduction. Regional government in contemporary western Europe corresponds to a type of society and economy variously labeled "post-industrial", "post-bourgeois" or merely "the New Europe."l This New Europe evolved historically from the interconnected strands of capitalism; industrialism and pluralistic democracy. It resembles in many respects the type of economy and society familiar to us in North America. Regional government in such a society is thus merely an adaptation on the scale of half a continent of forms of social and economic organization which evolved historically at the national level. Regional government in the New Europe is the institutional and political recognition that societies have changed dramatically since 1945, so dramatically that they cannot be adequately described in the doctrines and ideologies made familiar by nineteenth and early twentieth century political thought. Hence the New Europe and its regional government is the future of that part of history which has also been aptly described as "the end of ideology."

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The value of Greece to the future of the world, by G. Murray.--Religion, by W. R. Inge.--Philosophy, by J. Burnet.--Mathematics and astronomy, by Sir T. L. Heath.--Natural science, by D'Arcy W. Thompson.--Biology, by C. Singer.--Medicine, by C. Singer.--Literature, by R. W. Livingstone.--History, byA. Toynbee.--Political thought, by A. E. Zimmern.--The lamps of Greek art, by P. Gardner.--Architecture, by Sir R. Blomfield.

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Esta pesquisa procura entender o pensamento de Agostinho de Hipona e de Martinho Lutero, especificamente, no que concerne a suas obras que abordam a temática da ética e da política. Particularmente, a compreensão das metáforas da Cidade de Deus e Cidade dos Homens em Agostinho, e a recepção e ressignifição efetuada por Lutero e a construção de suas metáforas dos Dois Reinos, ou Dois Regimentos, é foco central desta dissertação. Para tal, será usa-da a concepção do filósofo contemporâneo Paul Ricoeur e seu entendimento do papel da metáfora. Para articular estas ideias será necessário pensar e expor as ideias agostinianas sobre sua Teologia da História. Após este momento, estuda-se duas doutrinas que são fundamentais para o pensamento teológico do refor-mador alemão: a questão sobre a Justificação pela Fé e a integração com as Bo-as Obras. O estudo do pensamento destes autores terá como objetivo dialogar dois pensadores cristãos que continuam sendo usados até os dias atuais pelas igrejas, buscando perceber as oportunidades e limitações que suas reflexões podem trazer para a prática da igreja atual. Para que ela seja atuante e relevante para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa, fraterna e marcada pe-los valores de Cristo, tendo o amor como sua base sustentadora.

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Bridging the contending theories of natural law and international relations, this book proposes a 'relational ontology' as the basis for rethinking our approach to international politics. The book contains a number of challenging and controversial ideas on the study of international political thought which should provoke constructive debate within international relations theory, political theory, and philosophical ethics. © Amanda Russell Beattie 2010. All rights reserved.

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Since Plato's Republic and Aristotle's Politics established the basis for Western political thought almost 2500 years ago, the discipline of international relations has evolved substantially. However, most of the literature revolves around state interaction within the system, and there is little discussion of countries that opt out of the international states system and become isolationist. Given the interdependent nature of the modern international system, this study elaborates on domestic and foreign isolationism by expounding upon the reasons and consequences of states opting out of the international system. The empirical case studies utilized to explore isolationism are Albania, North Korea, and Burma. By empirically verifying the components, motivations, and consequences of isolationism in an interdependent world, this study provides insight into why and how states resist engagement with the global socioeconomic and political state system. ^ Using historical, comparative, and inductive analysis, this study explains why states choose to isolate themselves both domestically and internationally. Specifically, comparative historical analysis highlights isolationism as a concept and practice. This study maintains that extreme forms of self-imposed isolation in an interdependent international system, while perhaps serving the immediate interests of a ruling regime, harms the long-term national interests of the state and the populace. Although the leadership in an isolationist state gains a significant amount of power and control over the people within its borders, the state as a whole experiences profound negative effects. In the long term, a state loses power, stability, prestige, and suffers a decline in overall economic prosperity. ^ States that withdraw from the international system, therefore, provide insight into an unexplored area of international relations when considering notions of rationality, self-interest, power politics, cooperation, and alliances. In short, isolationism in an interdependent state system goes against the logic of the modern society/system of states, resulting in deleterious consequences to the wellbeing of the state. ^

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This work is on the political thought of the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze (1925 – 1995) taking the concepts of major/minor as starting point, since by them the deleuzian philosophy produces significant approaches to think politics and its forms. Not only the concepts of major/minor, but also the concept of becoming, in the mode of becoming-minor, marks the proposition, as we could tell, a properly deleuzian political philosophy. Thus, this work attempts to expose the possible form of this politics and of a fight ethic associated to it. To study the Deleuze political thought today is not to abdicate of a political thought that recognizes the singularities and embraces the political fight not as a totalizing revolution, but as resistance. The analyses of the concepts of major/minor, and the becoming shows itself as necessary in the political proposal in the present context

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This dissertation aims at showing the importance of the Nietzsche s and Spinoza s philosophy in Deleuze thought, about body, force, and potency concepts. The search starts from Deleuze texts around two authors of his inspiration, reaching understand in the plan of immanence of the relationship between concepts and the way life as ethics and political affirmation. The first goal is the concept of rhizome; propose by Deleuze in what manner to walk the ways traced by philosophers and at the same time to create self ways. The second chapter examines the body in Nietzsche as force s relations. Find to show the genesis of the force in its determination as relative quantity strong or weak, and as absolute quality active or reactive; and for other side the genesis of the force from two poles of the will to power affirmation or negation, examining the consequences for life and thought. In the third chapter explained the definitions of body in Spinoza. The body, in Spinoza, defines itself complex relation of movement and repose, velocity and slowness and by it s to affect and be affecter s power. Find to show understanding the mediums for to amplify the power of to exist or the potency of to act, in what manner ethics of to live. The fourth chapter makes one parallel between the war and the thought in the constitution of socials body and collectives agenciamientos, for understand in the fifth chapter the body as war s machine of the thought, from the relationship between nomad way life and war s machine showed in Tractate of Nomadologia. Wait like this to show the importance of the ethics and political thought than affirm the existence in the world through active force from that body s power.

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Despite the involvement of radical socialists like James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army in the 1916 Rising and the unanimous passing of the Democratic Programme (a socialist manifesto for the new Government) by the First Dáil in 1919, the Irish state has since its inception exhibited a highly conservative approach to social and economic policy, and politics generally in Ireland, North or South, have never faced a serious challenge from those seeking radical change. Several factors have played a part in this and this article focuses on one of these - the power and conservatism of the Catholic Church and its influence in shaping the political landscape. Despite a decline in recent years, the Church remains influential north and south of the Border in education provision, the current debates in relation to abortion and in culturally important aspects of life - baptism, communion and burial. In the past the Church’s political influence among Ireland’s majority Catholic community had been even more pronounced. The article begins by looking at the Church’s attitude to revolutionary change in Ireland historically before focusing on its influence in the North during the Stormont years and during the more recent ‘Troubles’ – 1969 - 98. It shows how the Church attempted to influence political thought and discourse in Ireland when it was at the height of its power. Whilst it is true that the Church was not a monolith, and there have always been individual priests who have adopted a more radical approach, the general thrust of the Church was conservative, attempting to ally itself with the power elites of the day where possible. It is this influence which appears to have stood the test of time despite attempts in past generations to radicalise the Irish population.

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This thesis addresses how Alexis de Tocqueville’s political thought is related to American Exceptionalism. First, I illustrate the multiple meanings of the concept of American Exceptionalism and in what sense it is indebted to Tocqueville. Second, I articulate how the historical background and personal qualities of Tocqueville contribute to the success of his masterpiece Democracy in America. In the main part, by analyzing Tocqueville’s Democracy in America and other writings on America, I argue that he indeed reveals America as exceptional and increasingly recognizes this idea through a process of intellectual development. An elaboration on Tocqueville’s theoretical contribution to the discussion of American Exceptionalism can reveal the different images of modern democracy as he suggests and how they would influence the prospect of human freedom.

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This dissertation seeks to identify what makes Cicero’s approach to politics unique. The author's methodology is to turn to Cicero’s unique interpretation of Plato as the crux of what made his thinking neither Stoic nor Aristotelian nor even Platonic (at least, in the usual sense of the word) but Ciceronian. As the author demonstrates in his reading of Cicero’s correspondences and dialogues during the downward spiral of a decade that ended in the fall of the Republic (that is, from Cicero’s return from exile in 57 BC to Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon in 49 BC), it is through Cicero's reading of Plato that the former develops his characteristically Ciceronian approach to politics—that is, his appreciation for the tension between the political ideal on the one hand and the reality of human nature on the other as well as the need for rhetoric to fuse a practicable compromise between the two. This triangulation of political ideal, human nature, and rhetoric is developed by Cicero through his dialogues "de Oratore," "de Re publica," and "de Legibus."

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Tucídides es una de nuestras mejores fuentes de información para conocer la práctica argumentativa de la deliberación democrática. En este trabajo se analiza uno de los vicios que, según el historiador, haría su aparición en la escena política ateniense a la muerte de Pericles: la instrumentalización del miedo para obtener la victoria momentánea en la asamblea. El temor prudente, que fuera una arma periclea para conducir la deliberación racional en aras del bien común, habría desaparecido siendo sustituido por el amedrentamiento del rival, la calumnia, el obstruccionismo y la parálisis de la confrontación dialéctica. Instauradas en la ciudad la desconfianza y la sospecha de ocultación, los golpistas del 411 hallaron el terreno abonado para callar las voces contrarias y, gracias al silencio, instaurar el terror.