What lies behind the devaluation of educational credentials?

Applying fixed-effects models to EULFS data on Spain from 1998 to2006, the paper explores the effects of educational expansion on theoccupational returns to education across different levels of education.We build an indicator of the positional value of education, based on theidea that the value of a given educational credential partly depends onthe percentage of labour market entrants who have reached that level atthe time when individuals enter the labour market -- it is higher whenfewer individuals have reached it, lower otherwise. Our analysis for theSpanish case shows that the decrease in the occupational returns toeducation goes in parallel with the decrease in the positional value ofeducation, but this devaluation of credentials has been stronger ingeneral education (e.g., in humanities or social sciences universitydegrees, or in upper secondary general education) than in specializededucation (e.g., in technical fields in the university, or in uppervocational training). We argue that the reason for this is most likely thatgeneral education provides a more diffuse signal of candidates’ skillsthan specialized education. We also find that this devaluation ofcredentials has been stronger in fields accessed by women in largernumbers in last decades.

Decisiones de empleo y cuidado en parejas de dos ingresos en España

¿Hasta qué punto se preparan las parejas jóvenes en España para una parentalidad corresponsable? Los estudios muestran que gran parte de las desigualdades de género en las sociedades occidentales emergen y se recrudecen durante la primera maternidad/paternidad. En España existe un gran vacío en estudios que analicen la toma de decisiones y las justificaciones de los miembros de la pareja en sus decisiones sobre el cuidado de su primogénito. Esta investigación viene a suplir esta laguna en la literatura mediante un estudio cualitativo basado en entrevistas en profundidad realizadas a 136 hombres y mujeres activos (ocupados y desempleados) que esperaban su primer hijo en el año 2011. La investigación indaga sobre las justificaciones repecto a quién y cuánto tiempo disfrutará de licencias parentales o reducciones de jornada laboral, los ideales de cuidado, los planes de implicación del padre y la madre y el significado de una "buena" maternidad y paternidad.El estudio muestra que gran parte de las parejas aspiran a mantener el empleo de ambos miembros tras el parto y que, por tanto, el modelo de familia basado en dos sustentadores está ampliamente arraigado en el imaginario cultural de estas parejas. Sin embargo, en el caso de prever dificultades en la conciliación del empleo y el cuidado - situación bastante frecuente en el contexto español - las mujeres continúan mostrando una mayor predisposición a adaptar su empleo a las necesidades de la maternidad, mientras que solo una pequeña parte de los hombres entrevistados parecen dispuestos a asumir ajustes laborales importantes para atender a sus hijos y acercarse al ideal de la paternidad corresponsable.

Social capital and cognitive attainment

We review the different meanings that researchers have given to theconcept of social capital, differentiate four types – bridging, bonding,linking, and overheads –, and discuss their different functions as public,club, and common goods.For each form of social capital we distinguish its productivity (acollective characteristic) from the factors that account for individual’sdifferential access to its returns, and propose alternative ways formeasuring each.We show the utility of our theoretical and measuring approach byanalyzing the impact of the each form of social capital on 15 year-oldstudents’ cognitive attainment across OECD countries, using 2006 PISAdata.The results show that students’ cognitive attainments are a direct functionof the richness or productivity of each form of social capital and ofstudents’ degree of access to each.

Overcoming the ethical dilemmas of skilled migration? An analysis of international narratives on the “brain drain”

Migration-related issues have, since approximately 2000, been the object of increased attention at the international level. This has led, among other things, to the production of international narratives, which aim both at understanding migration and at proposing policy recommendations on how to address it, with the objective of improving the governance of migration at the global level. But this implies overcoming dilemmas stemming from the diverging interests of states and other actors (like NGOs and the private sector). This article examines the way in which international migration narratives address skilled migration, which is characterised by some of the clearest political trade-offs between stakeholders. It argues that these narratives attempt to speak to all parties and conciliate contradictory arguments about what should be done, in order to discursively overcome policy dilemmas and create a consensus. While this is line with the mandate of international organizations, it depoliticises migration issues.

Is there really a backlash against multiculturalism policies? New evidence from the multiculturalism policy index

In much of the western world, and particularly in Europe, there is a widespread perception that multiculturalism has ‘failed’ and that governments who once embraced a multicultural approach to diversity are turning away, adopting a strong emphasis on civic integration. This reaction, we are told, “reflects a seismic shift not just in the Netherlands, but in other European countries as well” (JOPPKE 2007). This paper challenges this view. Drawing on an updated version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index introduced earlier (BANTING and KYMLICKA 2006), the paper presents an index of the strength of multicultural policies for European countries and several traditional countries of immigration at three points in time (1980, 2000 and 2010). The results paint a different picture of contemporary experience in Europe. While a small number of countries, including most notably the Netherlands, have weakened established multicultural policies during the 2000s, such a shift is the exception. Most countries that adopted multicultural approaches in the later part of the twentieth century have maintained their programs in the first decade of the new century; and a significant number of countries have added new ones. In much of Europe, multicultural policies are not in general retreat. As a result, the turn to civic integration is often being layered on top of existing multicultural programs, leading to a blended approach to diversity. The paper reflects on the compatibility of multiculturalism policies and civic integration, arguing that more liberal forms of civic integration can be combined with multiculturalism but that more illiberal or coercive forms are incompatible with a multicultural approach.

Reconciling context and contact with immigrants effects: an examination of the Catalan case

Contact theory and threat group theory offer contradictory hypotheses regarding the effect of contact with immigrants. Despite recent efforts to test the validity of both approaches, we still lack a definitive conclusion. This article integrates both approaches and tests the effect of contact towards immigrants and how this changes when different contexts are considered. Mainly, we investigate the effect of the economic environment and the immigrant group size on modifying attitudes toward immigration. The hypotheses, which are tested in Catalonia, show that contact with immigrants reduce negative attitudes towards immigration, especially friendship and family contact. However, mixed results are reported regarding the effect of economic environment and immigrant group size. Whereas the former modifies positively the effect of workplace contact, the latter has no effect. Findings have implications for the impact of context when dealing with the impact of contact on attitudes towards immigration.

Predictors of political orientation among US-born Mexican Americans: cultural identification, acculturation attitudes and socioeconomic status

With each passing election, U.S. political campaigns have renewed their efforts in courting the “Latino vote,” yet the Latino population is not a culturally homogenous voting bloc. This study examined how cultural identifications and acculturation attitudes in U.S. born Mexican Americans interacted with socioeconomic status (SES) to predict political orientation. Individuals who held stronger Mexican identity and supported biculturalism as an acculturation strategy had a more liberal orientation, while belonging to a higher SES group and holding stronger assimilation attitudes predicted a less liberal orientation. Mexican cultural identification interacted with SES such that those who held a weaker Mexican identity, but came from a higher social class were less liberal and more moderate in their political orientation. Weak Mexican identification and higher SES also predicted weaker endorsement of bicultural acculturation attitudes, which in turn, mediated the differences in political orientation. The acceptance of one’s ethnic identity and endorsement of bicultural attitudes predicted a more liberal political orientation. In light of these findings, political candidates should be cautious in how they pander to Latino constituents—referencing the groups’ ethnic culture or customs may distance constituents who are not strongly identified with their ethnic culture.

Immigration controls and the erosion of popular sovereignty

The idea that immigration controls in Western developed states are a response to popular pressure is axiomatic in the academic literature on migration. In the academic literature and in policy circles it is also commonplace to hear that migration is eroding the sovereignty of states. This article challenges both of these ideas. We argue that both of these ideas overlook or ignore the erosion of popular sovereignty from within states. We argue that engaging with, rather than evading, public debate on migration can potentially help to reinvigorate popular sovereignty.

Membership and internal democracy. Immigrant organisations in the city of Oslo

Immigrant organisations in the City of Oslo receive support from the government for their daily operation. In order to receive such support, each organisation must be membership-based and have internal democratic procedures. This paper raises the question of how we can understand this combination of support for ethnic based organisations and requirements of membership and internal democracy. It explores the usefulness of two partly overlapping ways of understanding this policy and discusses their interrelationship. Firstly, within the context of the crisis of multiculturalism, the paper discusses whether this combination is based on the aim of strengthening the organisations’ procedural commitment to liberal-democratic principles. Secondly, the paper analyses whether requirements of membership and internal democracy can mainly be understood within the framework of the Nordic model of voluntary organisation. By comparing the policy at three empirical levels, the paper concludes that this combination can mainly be understood within the framework of the traditional historical Nordic model, but that there is an ambiguity in this policy related to minority rights.

Capital cities of federations. On the way to analysing the normative base of their asymmetrical status

Federal Capitals often have special statutes. Compared with member states, they often enjoy a lower degree of self-government and a lesser share in the governing of the federation. Why do actors choose such devices, and how can they be justified in a liberal democracy? Surprisingly, the burgeoning literature on asymmetric federalism (to which our research group has contributed significantly) has overlooked this important feature of a de iure asymmetry, perhaps because political theory up to now has concentrated on cases of multicultural and plurinational federations. However, comparative literature is also rare. This paper is the first step to filling in this gap by comparing some federal capitals. The Federal District model (Washington) is compared to capitals organized as member-states (Berlin and Brussels), and capitals that are cities belonging to a single member state (Ottawa in Ontario). The different features of de iure asymmetry will thereby be highlighted. Some light will be shed on the possible motives, reasons and justifications for the choice of each respective status. The paper opens the door to further research on such status questions by analysing public and parliamentary debates, for example. It paves the way for more thorough research. Sicne the author has been awarded a grant by the Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics, this research will be carried out soon.

Educational policy in Spain - a federal illusion?

Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state

Recognition and political accommodation: from regionalism to secessionism. The Catalan case

Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts

Anàlisi de les revistes indexades al Journal of Citation Reports del Social Science Citation Index. Període 1997-2005

En aquest estat de la qüestió, s’hi presenten els resultats d’una anàlisi sobre l’evolució i les característiques principals de les revistes de geografia incloses al Journal of Citation Reports dins de la versió del Social Science Citation Index i, per tant, amb factor d’impacte. El període d’estudi escollit ha estat el que va de 1997 a 2005, és a dir, al llarg dels darrers nou anys amb dades disponibles. En total, hi han aparegut incloses trenta-nou revistes, una bona part de les quals ha romàs a la llista durant tot el temps estudiat. Hi ha hagut deu publicacions que han estat situades entre les cinc amb més factor d’impacte de cada any, i cap no ha estat la primera més de dos anys seguits. S’han trobat divuit temàtiques diferents en el conjunt de les revistes, en destaquen les de caire generalista i les de geografia econòmica i regional. Una gran majoria dels volums està publicada per editorials, Blackwell Publishing n’és la més destacada. L’origen de les revistes és clarament anglosaxó, només n’hi trobem dues d’escrites en una altra llengua. La segona part de l’article descriu totes les publicacions contemplades en els nou anys estudiats, amb una petita ressenya de cadascuna

La resiliència

El present treball és un aprofundiment teòric sobre la resiliència, un concepte transgressor en les ciències socials que invita a tenir una nova visió de les situacions concretes, a un canvi de perspectiva que ens guia a refermar maneres d’intervenció diferents. Precisament, perquè ens porta a canviar la nostra mirada vers les persones i sobre la vida. Aquest projecte s’emmarca en els orígens del concepte, en quin moment es troba avui dia, aquelles teories explicatives i una aportació sobre la seva visió pràctica; tenint present en tot moment tant la dimensió individual com la dimensió comunitària del mateix. La resiliència, reconeix el valor de la imperfecció de l’espècia humana. No és una resposta immediata a l’adversitat sinó un procés que està en constant construcció, canvi i/o evolució en el transcurs del temps. No és un concepte absolut ni total, sinó que està lligat als conceptes dinàmics i complexos de desenvolupament i creixement humà i va més enllà de l’actitud passiva de resistir qualsevol cop; implica l’actitud proactiva d’aprendre/reapendre a viure i construir/reconstruir la vida.

Conversando con Andrej Holm. Por unas ciencias sociales críticas con las transformaciones urbanas

El treball d'Andrej Holm, sociòleg urbà alemany, està centrat en els processos de reestructuració urbana esdevinguts a les ciutats alemanyes, particularment als barris cèntrics de Berlín. La seva postura crítica davant la imposició d'un règim urbà neoliberal a partir de la caiguda del Mur està en consonància amb el seu paper actiu dins els moviments socials. En aquesta entrevista, Andrej Holm explica les conseqüències derivades d'aquesta militància: després d'uns mesos en què va estar sotmès a vigilància secreta, l'estiu de 2007 va ser detingut, acusat de pertànyer a un grup terrorista. Els conceptes recurrents als seus textos acadèmics, com ara el de "gentrificació", així com el seu accés a recursos bibliogràfics, van ser utilitzats com a arguments contra ell. A partir d'aquests fets, esdevinguts en un moment en què els Estats fan servir la política antiterrorista com a forma de control de les dissidències i en què l'autonomia acadèmica és objecte de restriccions, Andrej Holm reflexiona sobre la possibilitat d'unes ciències socials crítiques.