982 resultados para Philosophical theology


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Albert Camus is typically categorized as an atheistic thinker, in the same breath as Sartre. Yet there is a sizable, often sympathetic, theological response to his works, which deal at great length with Christian themes, wrestle with the problem of evil, and are animated by his own avowed desire — in strong contrast with Sartre and other existentialists — to preserve a sense of the sacred without belief in human immortality. This essay reconstructs three components of Camus’s rapport and disagreement with Christian theology, which he approached pre-eminently through the figure of Augustine, central to his early Diplome thesis. First, we recount the young Camus’s neopagan ‘‘religiosity’’ — a sense of the inhuman majesty and beauty of the natural world at the heart of what he termed (and later regretted terming) the ‘‘absurd,’’ and rooted in Camus’s own unitive experiences growing up amidst the sea, sand, and blazing sun of North Africa. Second, we look at Camus’s engagement with the problem of evil, which for Camus — as for many early modern thinkers such as Bayle or Voltaire — represented the decisive immanent tension in later medieval theology, vindicating — in ethical terms — the modern rebellions against altar, pulpit, and throne. The essay closes by rebutting the charge, strongly argued recently by Ronald Srigley, that Camus was (both) anti-modern because anti-Christian. Camus’s aim, we propose, was instead to bring together a neopagan sense of the wonder of the natural world and our participation in it, with the egalitarian components of Christian ethics, severed from secularized eschatological content.

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This article considers the relation between L'Etranger and Caligula, with Camus' philosophical discourse. It aims at mediocra firma between the idea that the literary 'absurds' just illustrate Camus' philosophy; and the idea that they are wholly autonomous from that philosophy. Following threads from Camus' own responses to Melville, du Gard and others, we argue that Meursault and the crazed emperor Caligula are not illustrations of the absurd, let alone Camusian ethical ideals. They embody 'temptations' to forms of philosophical suicide and murder Camus systematically opposed in his philosophical writings, whose paradigm in The Rebel is the Marquis de Sade. Rather than rebelling against the unjust irrationality of the world, these figures (either passively or actively) become agents of this irrationality. Camus the man, or his thinking, should not be identified with them, as such, any more than Shakespeare should be identified with his Iago, or sundry other villains.

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This paper wants to draw out a common argument in three great philosophers and littérateurs in modern French thought: Michel de Montaigne, Voltaire, and Albert Camus. The argument makes metaphysical and theological scepticism the first premise for a universalistic political ethics, as per Voltaire's: "it is clearer still that we ought to be tolerant of one another, because we are all weak, inconsistent, liable to fickleness and error." The argument, it seems to me, presents an interestingly overlooked, deeply important and powerful contribution to the philosophical discourse of modernity. On one hand, theological and post-structuralist critics of "humanism" usually take the latter to depend either on an essentialist philosophical anthropology, or a progressive philosophy of history. The former, it is argued, is philosophically contestable and ethically contentious (since however we define the human "essence," we are bound to exclude some "others"). The latter, for better or worse, is a continuation of theological eschatology by another name. So both, if not "modernity" per se, should somehow be rejected. But an ethical universalism - like that we find in Montaigne, Bayle, Voltaire, or Camus - which does not claim familiarity with metaphysical or eschatological truths, but humbly confesses our epistemic finitude, seeing in this the basis for ethical solidarity, eludes these charges. On the other hand, philosophical scepticism plays a large role in the post-structuralist criticisms of modern institutions and ideas in ways which have been widely taken to license forms of ethics which problematically identify responsibility, with taking a stand unjustifiable by recourse to universalizable reasons. But, in Montaigne, Voltaire and Camus, our ignorance concerning the highest or final truths does not close off, but rather opens up, a new descriptive sensitivity to the foibles and complexities of human experience: a sensitivity reflected amply, and often hilariously, in their literary productions. As such, a critical agnosticism concerning claims about things "in the heavens and beneath the earth" does not, for such a "sceptical humanism," necessitate decisionism or nihilism. Instead, it demands a redoubled ethical sensitivity to the complexities and plurality of political life which sees the dignity of "really-existing" others, whatever their metaphysical creeds, as an inalienable first datum of ethical conduct and reflection. After tracking these arguments in Montaigne, Voltaire, and Camus, the essay closes by reflecting on, and contesting, one more powerful theological argument against modern agnosticism's allegedly deleterious effects on ethical culture: that acknowledging ignorance concerning the highest things robs us of the basis for awe or wonder, the wellspring of human beings' highest ethical, aesthetic, and spiritual achievements.

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This chapter critiques the political theology of Slavoj Zizek as beset by social theoretical and strategic political problems. Political theology here is a privileged intellectual terrain on which to simultaneously resolve questions about liberating forms of social cohesion in a post-revolutionary political community and about cultural strategy in the radical program. In connection with the Marxist critique of religious ideology, Zizek’s work represents an important contribution to the research program that emerged from the Althusserian approaches to social theory. But although Zizek has the conceptual resources to generate a dialectical theory of the connection between religious ideology and political strategy, he instead opts for a theory of radical rupture with existing forms of life. Detoured through the encounter with Carl Schmitt, Zizek’s doctrine of radical rupture quickly becomes an inverted Schmittianism, freighted with the problems of the militarisation of politics and the arbitrary designation of enemies that he diagnoses in Schmitt, but does not transcend in his own response. Zizek’s figure of the “religious suspension of the ethical” brings the politics of rupture to its most problematic (and baroque) formulations, revealing the fundamental problem of the ideological representation of political structures.

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This article covers key competencies for success as acquisitions and collection development librarians, delineates between collection development's intellectual facets of curricular support and acquisitions' business functions and shows how the two interrelated. Also provided are best practices for training and mentoring and professional development information for new librarians entering acquisitions and collection development.

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A concepção filosófica do mundo se inicia com os gregos sintetizados por Platão e Aristóteles. Para o primeiro o mundo físico é aparente e para se chegar à verdade é preciso se lembrar das idéias originais que determinam seu significado. Para o segundo as coisas físicas são dirigidas pelas idéias e para entendê-las é preciso a lógica. Durante o helenismo a escola de Alexandria elabora o neoplatonismo, a base da Patrística. Após a queda de Roma, os filósofos bizantinos guardam a herança clássica. A Igreja constrói uma visão neoplatônica da cristandade, a Escolástica. No oriente os persas também sofreram a influência grega. Entre os árabes do Oriente o pensamento neoplatônico orienta filósofos e religiosos de forma que para eles a razão e a fé não se separam. Aí a ciências se desenvolvem na física, na alquimia, na botânica, na medicina, na matemática e na lógica, até serem subjugadas pela doutrina conservadora dos otomanos. Na Espanha mulçumana sem as restrições da teologia, a filosofia de Aristóteles é mais bem compreendida do que no resto do Islã. Também aí todas as ciências se desenvolvem rápido. Mas a Espanha sucumbe aos cristãos. Os árabes e judeus apresentam Aristóteles à Europa Ocidental que elabora um Aristóteles cristão. A matemática, a física experimental, a alquimia e a medicina dos árabes influenciam intensamente o Ocidente. Os artesãos constroem instrumentos cada vez mais precisos, os navegadores constroem navios e mapas mais eficientes e minuciosos, os armeiros calculam melhor a forma de lançamento e pontaria de suas armas e os agrimensores melhor elaboram a medida de sua área de mapeamento. Os artistas principalmente italianos, a partir dos clássicos gregos e árabes, criam a perspectiva no desenho, possibilitando a matematização do espaço. Os portugueses, junto com cientistas árabes, judeus e italianos, concluem um projeto de expansão naval e ampliam os horizontes do mundo. Os pensadores italianos, como uma reação à Escolástica, constroem um pensamento humanista influenciado pelo pensamento grego clássico original e pelos últimos filósofos bizantinos. Por todas essas mudanças se inicia a construção de um novo universo e de um novo método, que viria décadas mais tarde.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)