Introduction: power after peace

The chapter provides a substantive conceptual introduction to the volume, examining what is meant by the concept of "political economy of statebuilding", and what the implications for the study of statebuilding are

Whose peace? Local ownership and UN peacebuilding

In recent years, there has been an increasing emphasis on the participation of national actors in United Nations peace operations, reflecting what has become a near orthodox commitment to ‘local ownership.’ Advocates of local ownership assert that it: (1) increases the legitimacy of UN peacebuilding efforts; (2) increases the sustainability of peacebuilding activities after the departure of the UN; and (3) increases democratic governance in post-conflict states. While such thinking about local ownership has informed UN peacebuilding policy to a large extent, the UN has, to date, assumed these positive benefits without critically examining the causal mechanisms that allegedly produce them, specifying the conditions under which this correlation holds, or providing convincing evidence for these assertions. Moreover, exactly what local ownership is, what is being owned, and who local ‘owners’ are remain unclear. Indeed a closer examination of ownership’s relation with legitimacy, sustainability, and democratization reveal a plethora of contradictions that imply that local ownership may in fact decrease the UN’s ability to deliver peacekeeping results. Crucially, however, the UN persists in adopting a local ownership approach to peacebuilding, suggesting that it does so because it is normatively appropriate rather than operationally effective.

Profits, malversations, restitutions. Les bénéfices des financiers durant la guerre de la Ligue d’Augsbourg et la taxe de Chamillart

Profit, embezzlement, restitution. The role of the traitants in the Nine Years War and Chamillart’s tax on financial benefits The aim of this article is to revisit the question of the financiers in Old Regime France. It starts with an analysis of the discourses about the financiers under the Absolute monarchy that underlines the complexity of their relationship with the government and the public. It then reviews the secondary literature and highlights the existence of competing historical interpretations (functional, political, utilitarian), which raise the question of their overall capacity to account for the role and impact of the financiers at different times. On this ground, the article focuses on a specific group of financiers, the so-called traitants d’affaires extraordinaires, during the Nine Years War. Further to a description of the specific role and scope of the activities of the various financiers responsible for helping the monarchy to raise the funds it needed to pay for its peace and wartime expenditure, the article examines the conditions and profits granted by the king in his contracts with the traitants whose services were hired for the purpose of selling royal offices in the public and advancing the revenue to the Treasury. It also explores the contractual arrangements of the companies established by the financiers to manage their operations as well as the rights and the responsibilities of their various stakeholders. These bases being laid, the article relies on the administrative correspondence relating to the traités during the Nine Years War to address a range of issues, in particular the extent to which these contracts, and other control procedures, were robust enough to deter fraud. The accounts of two traitants’ companies offer an opportunity to analyse and compare the structure of their income and expenditure (including the volume and cost of the promissory notes sold in the public to finance their payments to the Treasury), to explore the strategies of the contractors, to calculate their net profits and further discuss the problem of embezzlement. The article ends with the study of the context and debates which led to the introduction by finance minister Michel Chamillart, in 1700, of a shortfall tax on the financial profits of the gens d’affaires or traitants, the method used to determine its rate (50 % of the net benefits), its distribution among the various stakeholders (including the bailleurs de fonds or backers), and the related procedures. In total, the article argues that the relationship between the monarchy, society and the financiers under the Ancien Regime was not static and, therefore, suggests that the broad question of control and fraud must be examined against changing circumstances. With regard specifically to the Nine Years War, the article concludes that within the constraints of the Absolute monarchy, contractors offered valuable services by raising capital for the benefit of a king who ruled over a country which, at the time, was by far the wealthiest in Europe, and where ministers failed to foresee long wars of attrition and whose financial strategy was limited by the very existence of privilege. Overall, the traités were too costly to be a viable system of war financing. In these conditions, the substantial fortunes made by a handful of very successful traitants suffice to explain that the government easily gave in to public criticism against the wealth of the financiers and felt compelled, when peace resumed, to cancel the advantageous conditions offered in the treaties by taxing financial profits.

The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime

The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

A Consumer Surplus Estimate of Peace & Love festival in Borlänge : A Travel Cost Approach

This thesis uses zonal travel cost method (ZTCM) to estimate consumer surplus of Peace & Love festival in Borlänge, Sweden. The study defines counties as zones of origin of the visitors. Visiting rates from each zone are estimated based on survey data. The study is novel due to the fact that mostly TCM has been applied in the environmental and recreational sector, not for short term events, like P&L festival. The analysis shows that travel cost has a significantly negative effect on visiting rate as expected. Even though income has previously shown to be significant in similar studies, it turns out to be insignificant in this study. A point estimate for the total consumer surplus of P&L festival is 35.6 million Swedish kronor. However, this point estimate is associated with high uncertainty since a 95 % confidence interval for it is (17.9, 53.2). It is also important to note that the estimated value only represents one part of the total economic value, the other values of the festival's totaleconomic value have not been estimated in this thesis.

Peace & Love 2011 : Uppskattning av festivalens ekonomiska betydelse via segmenteringsansatsen

Syftet med denna rapport är att kartlägga samt värdera och presentera ekonomiska effekterkopplade till Peace & Love festivalen 2011 genom att tillämpa segmenteringsansatsen.Utgångspunkten är en uppdelning av festivalbesökarna i olika kategorier (segment) som därefteranvänds för att skatta den direkta ekonomiska effekten av festivalen. Uppskattningen av deekonomiska effekter som presenteras är baserade på enkätsvar från 1036 festivalbesökare samt1540 intervjuer vid entréerna. Resultatet från studien pekar på att den traditionella metoden med uppskattning av effekter via enuppdelning av konsumtion mellan turister och icke turister överskattar den totala effekten jämförtmed uppskattning via boendesegmentering med ca 10 procent. Den totala effekten viaboendesegmentering uppskattas till dryga 185 Mkr. Besökarnas konsumtion i samband medPeace & Love festivalen kan omräknas till 61,85 helårsverken. Peace & Love festivalen beräknasskapa drygt 22 helårsverken inom restaurang och handel i Borlängeregionen utöver de 23helårsverken som festivalorganisationen skapar.

Peace & Love 2010 : Värderade och icke-värderade ekonomiska effekter

Denna rapport syftar till at kartlägga samt värderat och presenterat ekonomiska effekter koppladetill Peace & Love festivalen 2010. Utgångspunkten är en definition av festivalens intressenter.Uppskattningen av de ekonomiska effekter som presenterats är baserade på enkätsvar från 519festivalbesökare. Resultaten från studien pekar på att festivalbesökare definierade som turister igenomsnitt spenderar drygt 2000 kr i samband med sitt besök exklusive utgifter för resa ochfestivalbiljett. Den totala festivalkopplade konsumtionen beräknas till 154 Mkr genom attmultiplicera siffrorna för genomsnittlig festivalkonsumtion för en besökare med det totala antaletbetalande besökare. Studien visar också att det finns ett betydande läckage ur den regionalaekonomin till följd av att försäljare inom festivalområdet kommer från andra delar i Sverige.Peace & Love-festivalens bidrag till den lokala ekonomin inklusive biljettintäkter beräknas istudien till 89 Mkr. Slutligen pekar studien på att fördjupade studier innehållande en mernoggrann uppskattning över besökargruppernas andelar respektive konsumtion krävs vid nästaårs festival för att säkerställa de resultat denna studie redovisar.

Speak now or forever hold your peace: an empirical investigation of whistleblowing in Brazilian organizations

À medida que ajudam as organizações a prevenir condutas irregulares e a manter um ambiente de trabalho mais éticos, as denúncias (whistleblowing) são frequentemente apontadas pela literatura como um benefício à sociedade como um todo. Entretanto, pouco se sabe a respeito de muitos aspectos associados à decisão de denunciar uma irregularidade. No Brasil, em especial, onde o assunto permanece sendo negligenciado por pesquisadores, elementos culturais específicos podem obstruir o caminho da denuncia, além de impor restrições à generalização dos resultados de pesquisas anteriores, quase sempre voltadas para a realidade anglo-saxônica. Com base nesses pressupostos, este estudo busca identificar os antecedentes do whistleblowing interno nas organizações brasileiras. De modo geral, os resultados da pesquisa empírica realizada com uma ampla amostra de profissionais oriundos de empresas púbicas e privadas dão suporte ao modelo proposto e reforçam a noção de que o ato de denunciar é o resultado complexo da interação entre fatores da organização, do indivíduo da situação observada. Em particular, os resultados sugerem que os indivíduos são mais propensos a realizar a denúncia quando a irregularidade observada é percebida como grave e quando a própria denuncia é vista como um curso de ação ético. Por outro lado, os indivíduos podem optar pelo silêncio se o alvo da denúncia for alguém com alto status na organização, se eles não sentirem apoio da organização ou se temerem retaliações. A influência negativa do medo de retaliação sobre a intenção de denunciar, contudo, pode ser atenuada se o indivíduo está convencido de que o correto a fazer é denunciar. Por fim, os resultados também sugerem que profissionais em posição gerencial são mais propensos a denunciar irregularidades do que os demais membros de uma organização. As implicações desses resultados, bem como as limitações e contribuições do estudo para a teoria e para a prática são discutidas em detalhe, juntamente com sugestões para pesquisas futuras.

Post-conflict peace-building: a challenge for the United Nations

Includes bibliography