Working with a child Exposed to Community and Domestic violence in Northern Ireland: An Illustrated Case Example.

The focus of this paper is on the author’s multi-modal therapeutic practice with a 7-year-old boy referred to the Family Trauma Centre, following paramilitary assaults on his father. The work also addresses the boy’s experience of domestic violence. The work is contextualised in terms of the ‘Peace Process’ in Northern Ireland, including the establishment of the Family Trauma Centre as a response to the needs of victims of the Troubles. A rationale for working with children using a multi-modal approach is presented.

Reconfiguring spaces of conflict: Northern Ireland and the impact of European integration

The Irish border has historically been one of the most contested borders in Europe. In the context of the peace process and EU membership, co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland has been encouraged, supported and normalised, although internal borders of segregation stubbornly remain. This paper offers a conceptualisation of borders in conflict cases and a theoretical account of how European integration can affect their transformation. Analysis of the Northern Ireland case shows there are ambiguities within integration that allow for a ‘rebordering’ of identities at the same time as the state border diminishes in significance.

Northern Ireland: The Politics of Constraint

The article surveys the interrupted experience of devolution in Northern Ireland since 1999 and draws a number of comparisons between the first devolved Assembly and Executive and their successors elected in 2007. It underlines the significance of the changed political, electoral and paramilitary context in the period leading up to the 2007 Assembly election which, together with a number of procedural changes effected by the 2006 St Andrews Agreement, enabled the restoration of power-sharing devolution to occur. Against the background of its legislative and policy record and the wider altered state of Northern Ireland, it concludes that the contrived consociational model of governance can work, up to a point, but perhaps as much because of the politics of constraint than consociationalism's much vaunted promise to reflect and engender the politics of accommodation.

Contact and Culture: Mechanisms of Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and Israel

In Northern Ireland and Israel schools have long been recognised as key sites for addressing the problems of poor intergroup relations (see Dunn, 1990; Murray, 1985). The developments of integrated schools which welcome members of the main communities have been regarded as a key development which is likely to be instrumental in promoting more harmonious relations. Although the schools have been regarded in the media as a ‘good news story’ the qualitative processes through which teachers within these schools foster reconciliation is not always clear. The purpose of this chapter is thus to explore this question by drawing on contact theory and interviews with teachers in Northern Ireland and Israel.

The integrated school in a conflict society: a comparative analysis of two integrated primary schools in Northern Ireland

The purpose of this paper is to compare the approach to promoting positive relationships between Catholics and Protestants in two types of integrated primary school in Northern Ireland. Drawing on qualitative interviews with teachers, governors and parents in one transforming school and one grant maintained integrated school, i.e. one representative of each of the two types, the paper shows that whilst there are distinctions in the ways that the schools promote their image and ethos, the ‘lived reality’ of the schools, as reported by the research participants, is almost indistinguishable. The paper suggests that both schools tend not to refer to or explore cultural difference and that this tendency to ‘minimise difference’ seems to have the potential to silence school members who do wish to explore their own and other cultures. It is argued that such practices are likely to impede rather than facilitate the progress of good inter-community relations.

A Shared Future? Exclusion, Stigmatization, and Mental Health of Same-Sex-Attracted Young People in Northern Ireland

For more than a decade the Peace Process has fundamentally changed Northern Irish society. However, although socioreligious integration and ethnic mixing are high on the political agenda in Northern Ireland, the Peace Process has so far failed to address the needs of some of the most vulnerable young people, for example, those who identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Public debates in Northern Ireland remain hostile to same-sex-attracted people. Empirical evidence from the annual Young Life and Times (YLT) survey of 16-year-olds undertaken by ARK shows that same-sex-attracted young people report worse experiences in the education sector (e.g., sex education, school bullying), suffer from poorer mental health, experience higher social pressures to engage in health-adverse behavior, and are more likely to say that they will leave Northern Ireland and not return. Equality legislation and peace process have done little to address the heteronormativity in Northern Ireland.

The policy context of leaving care services: A case study of Northern Ireland

The transition of foster youth from state care to independent living has received increased research, practice, and policy attention in the United States and in many other countries. Most contributions to this literature have focused on documenting poor outcomes across various dimensions of need in the young people's lives whereas little attention has been given to the policy context in which the responses to those needs are being developed. In this article, we argue that there is a pressing need for better understanding of how the policy context can both promote and impede the development of appropriate services. To illustrate our argument, we use Northern Ireland as a policy case study both because of recent initiatives underway there in regard to youth transitions from state care and because of the heightened political sensibilities associated with it as a society. We draw attention to the socio-political historical context, a number of intersecting social policies, and the place of social work as a key occupation involved in delivering service improvements. We conclude by suggesting that this case study not only highlights the need to address similar aspects of the policy on youth transition frorn state care in the United States but also demonstrates the benefits of reflecting on policy development and implementation elsewhere in the world.

Rethinking prenatal care within a social model of health: an exploratory study in Northern Ireland

Implementation of maternity reform agendas remains limited by the dominance of a medical rather than social model of health. This article considers group prenatal care as a complex health intervention and explores its potential in the socially divided, postconflict communities of Northern Ireland. Using qualitative inquiry strategies, we sought key informants’ views on existing prenatal care provision and on an innovative group care model (CenteringPregnancy®) as a social health initiative. We argue that taking account of the locally specific context is critical to introducing maternity care interventions to improve the health of women and their families and to contribute to community development.

From Counter-terrorism to Criminal Justice: Transformation or Business as Usual?

The article explores the extent to which criminal justice in Northern Ireland has been reconstructed over the past fifteen years. The focus is on the framework provided in the Good Friday Agreement (1998) and the range of transition processes that followed. Post-Agreement Inquiries are reviewed and the findings demonstrate the institutional rigidities facing the transformation of criminal justice. While the ideologies and practices of counter-terrorism no longer dominate the business of criminal justice, the extent of change in terms of social representativeness, scale and expenditure is variable, with the prison service proving the least changed.

Cultural threat and anti-immigrant prejudice: The case of Protestants in Northern Ireland

Using data from the 2002 and 2009 Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) surveys, we examine attitudes towards immigrant and ethnic minority groups in Northern Ireland. We suggest that Protestant and unionist communities experience a higher level of cultural threat than Catholic and nationalist communities on account of the ‘parity of esteem’ principle that has informed changes in the province since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. Our analyses confirm that, while there is evidence for some level of anti-immigrant sentiment across all groups, Protestants and unionists do indeed report relatively more negative attitudes towards a range of immigrant and ethnic target groups compared to Catholic, nationalist, or respondents who do not identify with either religious or political category. The analyses further suggest that their higher level of perceived cultural threat partially accounts for this difference. We suggest that cultural threat can be interpreted as a response to changes in Northern Ireland that have challenged the dominant status enjoyed by Protestants and unionists in the past.

Changes in the prevalence of badger persecution in Northern Ireland.

Animal populations generally increase after release from hunting pressure and/or cessation of illegal persecution. Implementation of full legislative protection of the Eurasian badger Meles meles in Great Britain is thought to have led to increases in badger abundance due to reduced levels of persecution. Conversely, prevalence of badger persecution in Northern Ireland was historically much higher than in Great Britain, and badger abundance remained stable over time despite similar legislative protection. We examined temporal changes in the prevalence of badger sett disturbance in Northern Ireland from 1990/1993 to 2007/2008 in relation to population status. A total of 56 (12.6%) of 445 setts surveyed during 1990/1993 had been disturbed compared to 29 (4.4%) of 653 setts during 2007/2008. This was a significant decline (-65%) in the incidence of sett disturbance over the 14–18-year period. Most notably, the incidence of digging at badger setts, indicative of local badger baiting activity, declined from 50% to 3.5% of disturbed setts. Signs of recent disturbance were significantly more frequent at disused setts suggesting that once disturbed, badgers may vacate a sett. The number of badger social groups in Northern Ireland did not differ between the two study periods, suggesting that previously high levels of badger persecution did not limit the number of badger social groups. The stability of the badger population in Northern Ireland compared to the growing population in Great Britain cannot be attributed to changes in the prevalence of persecution. Differences in the trajectories of both populations could be due to a range of factors including climate, habitat composition and structure, farming practices or food availability. More work is needed to determine how such factors influence badger population dynamics.