Multilateral trade negotiations briefing [microform] : hearing before the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry, United States Senate, Ninety-sixth Congress, first session, February 26, 1979.

Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc.

Multilateral energy and mineral investment insurance : hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, Ninety-sixth Congress, first session, September 11, 1979.

Item 1017

Multilateral development bank opportunities for U.S. business : tapping into a $45 billion market.

Mode of access: Internet.

Combating corruption in the multilateral development banks : hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session.

"September 28, 2004"--Pt. 3.

The Multilateral development banks : increasing U.S. exports and creating U.S. jobs.

Shipping list no.: 94-0175-P.

On the equivalence of weighted Country-Product-Dummy (CPD) Method and the Rao-System for multilateral price comparisons

The country-product-dummy (CPD) method, originally proposed in Summers (1973), has recently been revisited in its weighted formulation to handle a variety of data related situations (Rao and Timmer, 2000, 2003; Heravi et al., 2001; Rao, 2001; Aten and Menezes, 2002; Heston and Aten, 2002; Deaton et al., 2004). The CPD method is also increasingly being used in the context of hedonic modelling instead of its original purpose of filling holes in Summers (1973). However, the CPD method is seen, among practitioners, as a black box due to its regression formulation. The main objective of the paper is to establish equivalence of purchasing power parities and international prices derived from the application of the weighted-CPD method with those arising out of the Rao-system for multilateral comparisons. A major implication of this result is that the weighted-CPD method would then be a natural method of aggregation at all levels of aggregation within the context of international comparisons.

Comparing regional organizations in global multilateral institutions:ASEAN, the EU and the UN

Structural change brought about by the end of the Cold War and accelerated globalisation have transformed the global environment. A global governance complex is emerging, characterised by an ever-greater functional and regulatory role for multilateral organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and its associated agencies. The evolving global governance framework has created opportunities for regional organisations to participate as actors within the UN (and other multilateral institutions). This article compares the European Union (EU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as actors within the UN network. It begins by extrapolating framework conditions for the emergence of EU and ASEAN actorness from the literature. The core argument of this article is that EU and ASEAN actorness is evolving in two succinct stages: Changes in the global environment create opportunities for the participation of regional organisations in global governance institutions, exposing representation and cohesion problems at the regional level. In response, ASEAN and the EU have initiated processes of institutional adaptation.

The ineffectiveness of multilateral sanctions regimes under globalization: The case of Iraq

This dissertation examines the effectiveness and limits of multilateral sanctions regimes as instruments of foreign policy, particularly when trying to prevent the acquisition, development and proliferation of weapons of mass destructions. I hypothesize that globalization undermines the overall effectiveness of sanctions regimes. I analyze the agents and means of globalization. Agents are nation-states, corporations, non-state actors and organizations, and individuals. Means are the global import-export industry, global banking and investment, global corporate models, and global manufacturing industries. They all have contributed to vast increases in transnational economic activity and, furthermore, to more political tensions between nation-states, all of which jeopardize the implementation and enforcement of multilateral sanctions regimes. ^ To test this thesis, I examine how those factors impacted the multilateral sanctions regime imposed against Iraq from 1991 to 2002. This multilateral sanctions regime was conceived, approved and enforced by most nations in the United Nations. ^ Indeed, evidence collected for this dissertation suggests that Iraq did manage to consistently circumvent the UN sanctions regime, and that it did it by astutely utilizing the agents and means of globalization. Evidence also indicates that Iraq managed to rebuild parts of its military infrastructure, and that Iraq was on its way to rebuild its missile capability, for which it purchased large quantities of parts, components, technologies and manpower in the global market.^

Diretrizes curriculares nacionais para o ensino médio: avaliação de documento

This text offers some contributions to the debate on the changes proposed to the National Curricular Directives to reform secondary education in Brazil. In the first part, the political and economic scene is evaluated as the context which generated the last stage of reforms in the educational field in the 90s. It questions the option for a model of structural reform (in the Brazilian case more restricted to the Program for Reform of Professional Education - PROEP) and of the curriculum, whose themes find their justification in the contemporary economic, social cultural and political context. It discusses the use of a model that bases itself on experiences developed in other countries and takes the international orientation of the multilateral organizations as its theoretical methodological reference, leaving out the peculiarities and injunctions of the Brazilian political administrative system. Such a policy measure can increase the tension and distance normally existing between government programs and the possibility of their real implementation in the school network. In the second part, it discusses the Resolution of the National Education Council, the Congress on Basic Education, no.3, of 16.698 that instituted the National Curricular Directives for secondary education, as well as the Legal Bases - Part I - of the National Curricular Parameters for secondary education. The analysis of official discourse takes Bardin's (1977, p. 209) proposals as its methodological reference for the models of structural analysis, seeking to make the implicit values and the connotations of the legal texts explicit

Brazilian foreign policy: Old and new paths as regards institutional aspects, multilateralism and foreign policy towards the South

This paper emphasizes the important changes in Brazilian foreign policy after Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva took tip the power in 2002. The paper defends the idea that it is not possible to argue that there were deep changes in comparison to Cardoso's administration. However, evidence shows that new things are happening as regards the design of a more active and clear foreign action line which led to institutional changes and to more incisive multilateral paths. This results both from the political profile of the direct operators of foreign policy and the aims of lite presidential diplomacy, The hypothesis dealt with on this paper consists on the fact that Lula's administration has not fully broken with the old administration practices, however the aims of global and regional integration are being plotted more clearly and with a higher degree of activism. This becomes clear in three aspects of the Brazilian foreign policy: the institutional framework, the practice of multilateralism and the foreign policy towards the South, the three topics analyzed in this paper.

Corruption and the size of government: causality tests for OECD and Latin American countries

The purpose of this article is to examine the causality between government size and corruption, and to verify if there is a different pattern of causality between developed Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (excluding Mexico) and developing countries (Latin American countries) during the period 1996 to 2003. Applying Granger and Huang`s (1997) methodology we find evidence that size of government Granger causes corruption in both samples. Since a larger government involvement in private markets today will be followed in future by a higher level of corruption a policy advice would be to enhance governance. The promotion of good governance helps to combat corruption given that it complements efforts to reduce corruption more directly, and it is strongly recommended by the International Monetary Fund, other multilateral institutions, and all worried with the negative impacts of corruption on economic activity.

True measures of GDP and convergence

Widely used ''purchasing power parity'' comparisons of per capita GDP are not true quantity indexes and are subject to systematic substitution bins. This bias may distort measurement of convergence and divergence. Extending Varian's nonparametric construction of a true index gives the set of true indexes, including the new Ideal Afriat Index. These indexes are utility-consistent and independent of arbitrary reference price vectors. We establish bounds on the dispersion of true multilateral indexes, hence bounds on convergence. International price indexes understate both true GDP dispersion and, where prices are converging over time, the rate of true quantity convergence.

Peacebuilding in East Timor

This essay analyses some of the political, economic and social challenges of East Timer's transition to independence. It scrutinizes the ethical dimensions of building peace in a territory devastated by the combined effect of Indonesia's colonial occupation and the violent militia attacks of September 1999. The most difficult task ahead does not lie in the physical rebuilding of the territory-gargantuan as it may be-but in the more intricate and long-term rehabilitation of a traumatized society. The latter involves competing Timorese factions as well as a range of international actors, including the United Nations Transitional Authority, foreign governments, business institutions and various multilateral and bilateral donors. each having their own organizational leitmotifs and policy priorities. If not managed carefully, the reconstruction process could further exacerbate existing societal tensions and complicate the starch for peace and reconciliation. The essay identifies a number of crucial components necessary to counter such risks, including the need to promote popular participation in the rebuilding process. Without the legitimacy created by strong community involvement and grassroots participation in decision making, the task of national reconstruction may well become overwhelmed by conflict.