Middle East, the strategic hub : a bibliographic survey of literature.

Mode of access: Internet.

Managing human resources in the Middle-East

Managing Human Resources in the Middle East provides the reader with an understanding of the dynamics of HRM in this important region. Systematic analysis highlights the main factors and variables dictating HRM policies and practices within each country. Diverse and unique cultural, institutional and business environment factors which play a significant role in determining HRM systems in the region are also elaborated upon. The text moves from a general overview of HRM in the Middle-East to an exploration of the current status, role and strategic importance of the HR function in a wide-range of country-specific chapters, before highlighting the emerging HRM models and future challenges for research, policy and practice. This text is invaluable reading for academics, students and practitioners alike.

Does ICT promote democracy and economic freedom in Middle East?

This study investigates the impact of information and communication technology (ICT) expansion on economic and social freedom in the Middle East (Bahrain, Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria and United Arab Emirates) for the period of 1996 to 2005. This study is unique as it analyzes the effect of institutional resistance (governments’ restrictions) on ICT development, economic freedom and democracy. The results show that institutional resistance poses a significant negative effect on ICT development and democracy. Results also show that ICT expansion in Middle East has not only been effective in bridging the Digital Divide, but that it had a positive impact on promoting civil liberties and economic freedom in a region that is vulnerable to political, social, and global conflicts.

A Török Köztársaság az átalakuló Közel-Keleten = The Republic of Turkey in the changing Middle East

A 2011–2012-ben zajlott, „arab tavasznak” nevezett események új korszak kezdetét jelezték a Közel-Keleten, mely a hidegháború vége óta, de különösen a 2003-as iraki háború következtében amúgy is mélyreható átalakulási folyamaton megy keresztül. Ennek során a térség három nem arab állama, Izrael, Irán és Törökország vált a régió hatalmi egyensúlyának meghatározó erőközpontjává, miközben az arab országok – amúgy sem homogén – csoportja a háttérbe szorult. A korábban mértékadó arab államok (Egyiptom, Irak, Szíria) különböző okok miatt elveszítették vonzerejüket a többiek számára, miközben Szaúd-Arábia sem vállalta a vezető szerepét. Az „arab tavasz” során egymástól egyre nyilvánvalóbban független nemzetállammá vált arab országok mind kevesebb kérdésben hajlandók közös álláspontot képviselni a nemzetközi fórumokon. Az átalakuló közel-keleti regionális rendben azonban az államok viszonylagos hatalmi egyensúlyában bekövetkezett változások miatt a térség helyzetét meghatározó szereplők száma megnövekedett, hiszen legalább Egyiptommal és Szaúd-Arábiával ismét mint politikai központtal kell számolni. A jelen tanulmány az e regionális rendben sokak szerint neooszmán hegemón törekvésekkel fellépő Törökország helyét és szerepét vizsgálja.

Syria and Israel in the Middle East : an anatomy of the conflict

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Hope in the Middle East:malleability beliefs, hope, and the willingness to compromise for peace

The importance of hope has long been asserted in the field of conflict resolution. However, little is actually known about either how to induce hope or what effects hope has on conciliatory attitudes. In the current research, we tested whether (1) hope is based upon beliefs regarding conflict malleability and (2) hope predicts support for concessions for peace. Study 1, a correlational study conducted among Israeli Jews, revealed that malleability beliefs regarding conflicts in general are associated with hope regarding the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as well as with support for concessions. In Study 2, we established causality using an experimental manipulation of beliefs regarding conflicts being malleable (vs. fixed). Findings have both theoretical and practical implications regarding inducing hope in intractable conflicts, thus promoting the attitudes so critical for peacemaking.

Syria and Israel in the Middle East : an anatomy of the conflict

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Power, Arab media Moguldum & gender rights as entertainment in the Middle East

Discourse is a giant field of research and gender related rights are still a disputed area of thinking. Thus, when Arab transnational satellite televisions produce dialogues, images, stories and narratives about the disputed “universal” gender rights in the Middle East, the big questions remain how and why. According to De Beauvoir (1949), one becomes woman and to Butler (1990) one is not born a gender at all but is “done” and “undone” to become one via discourse. Islamic feminism speaks of a cultural/religious specificity in defending women rights and even gender diversity based on new Quranic interpretations. The gender, “Al-Naw’u”, remains synonym to sex “Al Jins” as gender and queer theories never developed in Arabic in tandem with the European institutions or the theories of the19th century– especially those ideas emerging from studies of the mental asylum. This research tries to understand gender related “rights” and “wrongs” as manifest in the discursive institutions owned by media mogul Prince Al Waleed Ben Talal Al Saud. The trouble of such a study is lexical, ideological and institutional at the same time. Since we lack a critique of the discourses and narratives addressed in the pan-Arab satellite channels, in general it is difficult to understand their significance and influence in everyday life practices. What language is used to speak of gender rights or wrongs? Which ideology is favoured in this practice of legitimisation and/or policing? Using case studies, CDA of social and religious talk shows, narrative analysis of Arabic cinemas, this research adapted triangulation to show the complexity of conversing and narrating gender related content at the micro and macro levels within an institution of power. Using semi-structured interviews from fieldwork in Egypt (2009) and Lebanon (2011), archive research and online ethnography, the research exposes the power structure under which gender discourses evolve. It emerges that gender content is abundant on the Pan Arab satellite space, “manufactured” on talk shows and plotted tactfully in the cinematic “creative-act”. The result is a complex discourse of gender content that scratches the surface calling for interpretation. So how and why do gender rights and wrongs find place on Prince Al Waleed’s Media Empire?