996 resultados para Login, Lena Campbell, Lady, 1820-1904.
Resumo:
INTRODUCTION The popular Hong Kong comedy, The Greatest Lover, re-incarnates one of the most popular western musicals, My Fair Lady. OBJECTIVES 1. To find out in what major ways My Fair Lady was rewritten as the Hong Kong Cantonese movie, Gungzi Docing (The Greatest Lover). 2. To find out the socio-political, socio-linguistic, and gender ideology behind the rewriting. METHODOLOGY 1. To note the similarity of the themes for both works – a creator falling in love with his/her creation, and class prejudice and cross-class romance. 2. To note how the times of The Greatest Lover differ from that of My Fair Lady. 3. To note how the main characters in The Greatest Lover differ from My Fair Lady in terms of profession, gender, etc. 4. To note how the plot of The Greatest Lover differs from that of My Fair Lady. 5. To note how focus on language in The Greatest Lover compares with that in My Fair Lady. 6. To discuss the ideological implications of the differences noted above, e.g. women in Hong Kong today have much higher status than women in Victorian England; the conflict between local Hong Kong people and both legal and illegal immigrants from Mainland China is even more serious than that between the British upper middle class and the lower class during the Victorian period. 7. Andre Lefevere (1992) argues that translation and adaptation are rewriting informed and influenced by the rewriter’s ideology, among other things. 8. Both Aline Remael (1995) and Patrick Cattrysse (1992) think that film adaptation is a kind of translation. 9. Sirkkus Aaltonen (2000) argues that drama translation mirrors the ideologies of the target society. CONCLUSION 1. The Greatest Lover projects local cultural significance onto My Fair Lady by helping us to appreciate an important Western work of art through the Hong Kong Cantonese perspective. 2. Broader issues in translation and intercultural studies are also considered.
Resumo:
The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
Resumo:
1904/07 (T47)-1904/12.
Resumo:
1904/01 (T46)-1904/06.
Resumo:
Référence bibliographique : Rol, 58323
Resumo:
Référence bibliographique : Rol, 59428
Resumo:
Référence bibliographique : Rol, 59520
Resumo:
Etat de collection : 1905 (N44)-1936 (N1681)
