994 resultados para Labor union


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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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Changes in regulations and tighter interpretations of existing regulations engaged participants in 14th annual Labor and Employment Roundtable, hosted by the Cornell Institute for Hospitality Labor and Employment Relations. They also reviewed changes in union organizing rules. Two Supreme Court decisions dealt with the challenging application of accommodating workers’ health and religious needs, while a new ruling by the National Labor Relations Board calls into question the supposedly arm’s length relationship of employee leasing firms and their clients, as well as franchisors and franchisees. The NLRB also has shortened the campaign time for union elections. In one Supreme Court case, Young v. United Parcel Services, Inc., the Court pointed to a simple principle when employers implement policies for those with illness or medical conditions. Policies must be consistent with regard to how on-job and off-job health issues are treated, and the company’s policy must not be driven by economic considerations. That is, the Court stated that an employer’s denial of a light-duty assignment for an employee could not be based on cost or convenience. The case relating to religious accommodation also involved an economic hinge. In an earlier case, the Court had held that religious accommodations are limited to that which would have no more than a de minimus cost on the employer. In this case, EEOC v. Abercrombie & Fitch Stores Inc., Abercrombie had declined to hire a woman wearing a headscarf on the assumption that she would need a religious accommodation. The Court frowned on the idea that an employer would take religious accommodations into account when deciding whether to hire a person. The franchising industry is attempting to make sense of the NLRB ruling regarding joint employment, in which the board ruled that franchisors that maintain some kind of control over their franchisees’ employees should be considered joint employers of those employees. This is a complicated matter, and the situation is still in flux. Finally, with regard to the telescoped union campaign ruling, these are supposed to benefit the unions. So far, however, there’s no indication that the change has affected the overall outcome of union election campaigns.

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Many studies have observed the precipitous decline in American shipping following the Second World War. Most focus on changes in maritime policy and the upsurge of flags of convenience. Yet this interpretation relegates mariners to a footnote. This thesis argues that America abandoned its seamen years before it abandoned its merchant marine, and that the labor story is an integral and largely overlooked dimension of the industry’s broader decline. It explores how the status and makeup of American seamen underwent monumental shifts from 1935 to 1955. Increased nationalization, improved conditions, and a patriotic cause boosted the standing of the industry, but federal and union intervention also changed the composition of the workforce and even eroded seamen’s status. These greater controls on mariners negatively affected the industry and this work contends that labor played a role in the transformation, and even decline, of the overall American Merchant Marine.

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Music making was a common practice during the 1989−90 strike against the Pittston Coal Company, an action led by the United Mine Workers of America. The types of music made varied greatly based on the contexts in which musicians and protesters were participating. In this thesis, I discuss how performers and audiences engaged with the music of the Pittston strike, with a focus on how different participatory and presentational contexts included music with similar or the same lyrics to achieve different goals. I argue that the musicians’ understanding of the people around them as potential participants, audiences, or inherent audiences shifted their use of music as they worked to use music strategically and effectively for the strike. The musical methods and considerations of the Pittston strike protesters have had a lasting impact on more recent protest movements.

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Description based on: 39th (1915)

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A lei nº 11.241/2002 do estado de São Paulo proíbe a queima de cana-de-açúcar pré-colheita devido ao alto impacto que a fumaça desse processo causa na saúde coletiva e no meio ambiente. De modo gradativo, a previsão inicial era de que a proibição fosse efetiva em 2031. Posteriormente, acordo entre governo do Estado e União da Indústria de Cana-de-açúcar (Unica), estabeleceu redução do prazo para 2017. A cana-de-açúcar, quando não queimada, exige muito mais esforço dos cortadores, diminuindo a produtividade do corte manual em comparação às máquinas colheitadeiras. A ausência das queimadas traz benefícios à saúde e ao meio ambiente, no entanto, pouco ainda se sabe a respeito das consequências da mecanização para a mão de obra rural nos canaviais. Este artigo busca analisar esse quadro de incerteza sobre o que ocorrerá do ponto de vista dos cortadores de cana e o reconhecimento das consequências da lei em suas vidas. Durante a safra de cana de 2006, foram aplicados questionários a 40 cortadores de cana, de diferentes idades e gênero, no bairro Jardim América, em Macatuba-SP, em suas casas ou na rua. Perguntas qualitativas e quantitativas que abordavam temas socioeconômicos, de saúde, reconhecimento da lei e perspectivas de trabalho. Os entrevistados apresentaram um dilema entre o ar limpo e a perspectiva de trabalho. Muitos se apresentaram indecisos e sem incentivos a trabalhar em outros setores, apesar de grande parte gostar do local onde vive e se interessar por continuar a trabalhar na agricultura