Multi-institutional validation of the prognostic value of Ki-67 labeling index in patients treated with radical prostatectomy.

OBJECTIVE: Several smaller single-center studies have reported a prognostic role for Ki-67 labeling index in prostate cancer. Our aim was to test whether Ki-67 is an independent prognostic marker of biochemical recurrence (BCR) in a large international cohort of patients treated with radical prostatectomy (RP). METHODS: Ki-67 immunohistochemical staining on prostatectomy specimens from 3,123 patients who underwent RP for prostate cancer was retrospectively performed. Univariable and multivariable Cox regression models were used to assess the association of Ki-67 status with BCR. RESULTS: Ki-67 positive status was observed in 762 (24.4 %) patients and was associated with lymph node involvement (LNI) (p = 0.039). Six hundred and twenty-one (19.9 %) patients experienced BCR. The estimated 3-year biochemical-free survivals were 85 % for patients with negative Ki-67 status and 82.1 % for patients with positive Ki-67 status (log-rank test, p = 0.014). In multivariable analysis that adjusted for the effects of age, preoperative PSA, RP Gleason sum, seminal vesicle invasion, extracapsular extension, positive surgical margins, lymphovascular invasion, and LNI, Ki-67 was significantly associated with BCR (HR = 1.19; p = 0.019). Subgroup analysis revealed that Ki-67 is associated with BCR in patients without LNI (p = 0.004), those with RP Gleason sum 7 (p = 0.015), and those with negative surgical margins (p = 0.047). CONCLUSION: We confirmed Ki-67 as an independent predictor of BCR after RP. Ki-67 could be particularly informative in patients with favorable pathologic characteristics to help in the clinical decision-making regarding adjuvant therapy and optimized follow-up scheduling.

Conservation banking and the economization of nature : an institutional analysis

During the last decade, conservation banking mechanisms have emerged in the environmental discourse as new market instruments to promote biodiversity conservation. Compensation was already provided for in environmental law in many countries, as the last step of the mitigation hierarchy. The institutional arrangements developed in this context have been redefined and reshaped as market-based instruments (MBIs). As such, they are discursively disentangled from the complex legal-economic nexus they are part of. Monetary transactions are given prominence and tend to be presented as stand alone agreements, whereas they take place in the context of prescriptive regulations. The pro-market narrative featuring conservation banking systems as market-like arrangements as well as their denunciation as instances of nature commodification tend to obscure their actual characteristics. The purpose of this paper is to describe the latter, adopting an explicitly analytical stance on these complex institutional arrangements and their performative dimensions. Beyond the discourse supporting them and notwithstanding the diversity of national policies and regulatory frameworks for compensation, the constitutive force of these mechanisms probably lies in their ability to redefine control, power and the distribution of costs and in their impacts in terms of land use rather than in their efficiency.

Are patients with non-invasive papillary thyroid carcinoma, follicular variant (niFV-PTC) and minimally invasive follicular thyroid carcinoma with capsular invasion only (miFTC-CIO) overtreated?An institutional experience

Background. Recently several meetings and position papers advocate a change in terminology regarding thyroid neoplasms with indolent behavior, proposing the term "tumor" instead of "carcinoma". This change concerns non-invasive papillary thyroid carcinoma, follicular variant (niFV-PTC) and minimally invasive follicular thyroid carcinoma with capsular invasion only (miFTC-CIO). The aim of our study was to evaluate the impact of considering niFV-PTC and miFTC-CIO as lesions of low malignant potential, and to see how this change would influence patient management at our institution. Methods. A 32 months retrospective review of all well differentiated thyroid carcinomas (WDTC) (papillary and follicular carcinomas) diagnosed at our institution was performed, excluding tumors of uncertain malignant potential as well as poorly differentiated and anaplastic carcinomas. We retrieved cases of niFV-PTC and miFTC-CIO, reviewed histological slides to confirm diagnosis and recorded patient treatment. Results. A total of 9 (7.3%) niFV-PTC (4 males and 5 females, aged between 30 and 68 years, mean: 50.8 years old) and 2 (1.6%) cases of miFTC-CIO (2 females, 31 and 51 years old) were identified out of 122 WDTC diagnosed in the study period. The initial treatment consisted in 5 lobectomies and 6 total thyroidectomies (3 because of a compressive goiter, 2 because of a fine-needle aspiration diagnosis of suspicious for papillary thyroid carcinoma and 1 because of a fine-needle aspiration diagnosis of papillary carcinoma). The treatment following the histological diagnosis consisted in 4 thyroidectomy completions among patients who underwent simple lobectomy (4/5, 80%) and 9/11 (82%) radioablations with I131. Conclusions. The incidence of niFV-PTC is low at our institution, probably because we apply strict diagnostic criteria for this lesion. Simple lobectomy with negative margins is the treatment of choice in cases diagnosed as niFV-PTC and miFTC-CIO, due to the indolent course of these neoplasms. All cases with thyroidectomy completions and radioablations could have been avoided. As a consequence, the change of such terminology heavily impacts the malignancy risk evaluated cytologically as well as patients' management.

When supply travels far beyond demand: Institutional and regulatory causes of oversupply in Spain’s transport infrastructure

Spain’s transport infrastructure policy has become a paradigmatic case of oversupply and of mismatch with demand. The massive expansion of the country’s transport infrastructure over the last decade has not been a response to demand bottlenecks or previously identified needs. For this reason, the intensity of use today on all interurban modes of transport in Spain falls well below that of other EU countries. This paper analyzes the institutional and regulatory factors that have permitted this policy, allowing us to draw lessons from the Spanish case that should help other countries avoid the pitfalls and shortcomings of Spanish policy. Based on our analysis, we also discuss policy remedies and suggest reforms in different regulatory areas, which could help improve the performance of Spain’s infrastructure policy.

The Institutional, Economic and Social Determinants of Local Government Transparency

Interest in public accountability and government transparency is increasing worldwide. The literature on the determinants of transparency is evolving but is still in its early stages. So far, it has typically focused on national or regional governments while neglecting the local government level. This paper builds on the scarce knowledge available in order to examine the economic, social, and institutional determinants of local government transparency in Spain. We draw on a 2010 survey and the transparency indexes constructed by the NGO Transparency International (Spain) in order to move beyond the fiscal transparency addressed in previous work. In so doing, we broaden the analysis of transparency to the corporate, social, fiscal, contracting, and planning activities of governments. Our results on overall transparency indicate that large municipalities and left-wing local government leaders are associated with better transparency indexes; while the worst results are presented by provincial capitals, cities where tourist activity is particularly important and local governments that enjoy an absolute majority. The analysis of other transparency categories generally shows the consistent impact of these determinants and the need to consider a wider set of variables to capture their effect.

Institutional legacies, employment and professional integration of non EU/EEA doctors in France

Internationally, policies for attracting highly-skilled migrants have become the guidelines mainly used by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Governments are implementing specific procedures to capture and facilitate their mobility. However, all professions are not equal when it comes to welcoming highly-skilled migrants. The medical profession, as a protective market, is one of these. Taking the case of non-EU/EEA doctors in France, this paper shows that the medical profession defined as the closed labour market, remains the most controversial in terms of professional integration of migrants, protectionist barriers to migrant competition and challenge of medical shortage. Based on the path-dependency approach, this paper argues that non-EU/EEA doctors' issues in France derive from a complex historical process of interaction between standards settled in the past, particularly the historical power of medical corporatism, the unexpected long-term effects of French hospital reforms of 1958, and budgetary pressures. Theoretically, this paper shows two significant findings. Firstly, the French medical system has undergone a series of transformations unthinkable in the strict sense of a path-dependence approach: an opening of the medical profession to foreign physicians in the context of the Europeanisation of public policy, acceptance of non-EU/EEA doctors in a context of medical shortage and budgetary pressures. Secondly, there is no change of the overall paradigm: significantly, the recruitment policies of non-EU/EEA doctors continue to highlight the imprint of the past and reveal a significant persistence of prejudices. Non-EU/EEA doctors are not considered legitimate doctors even if they have the qualifications of physicians which are legitimate in their country and which can be recognised in other receiving countries.

La politique suisse de réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre : une analyse de la mise en oeuvre = Die Politik der Schweiz zur Reduktion der Treibhausgasemissionen : eine Vollzugsanalyse

Afin de se préparer à la seconde période de mise en oeuvre du protocole de Kyoto (2013-2020), la Confédération a mené une révision totale de la loi fédérale sur la réduction des émissions de CO2, entrée en vigueur au 1er janvier 2013. La Confédération a ainsi renforcé ses objectifs en matière de lutte contre le changement climatique et a introduit de nouveaux instruments d'intervention pour y parvenir. Depuis lors, la nécessité politique de réduire les émissions de gaz à effet de serre s'est encore accentuée. Lors de la COP21 en décembre 2015 à Paris, la Suisse s'est engagée à réduire ses émissions de gaz à effet de serre de 50 % par rapport à 1990 à l'horizon 2030. En outre, la stratégie énergétique 2050 ambitionne de ramener les émissions de CO2 par habitant dans une fourchette de 1 à 1,5 tonne d'ici à 2050, contre 5,3 tonnes par habitant à l'heure actuelle. Cette recherche mandatée par l'OFEV analyse l'impact de la politique climatique sur le comportement des acteurs économiques et leurs réactions face aux instruments publics introduits pour réduire les émissions de CO2. L'étude, réalisée au cours de l'année 2015, questionne la cohérence du dispositif institutionnel actuel ainsi que sa capacité à stimuler l'action des acteurs économiques en matière de réduction des émissions de CO2. Elle livre un diagnostic de l'efficacité, de l'effectivité et de la désirabilité de la politique publique menée par la Confédération.

A missing spatial link in institutional quality

History tells that institutions evolve gradually over time, pushing new ideas across borders and cultures. Globalisation is argued to accelerate this process. We examine the spatial links of different political institutions across borders. Applying various tests for spatial proximity, we do not find evidence of contemporaneous spatial links. This result is robust to various measures of distance and of cultural proximity across countries. Instead, when we analyse long run dynamics diffusion of institutions seems to occur only gradually.

Institutional Determinants of Military Spending

Drawing on a database for 1988-2006 containing information on 157 countries, we investigate the effects on military spending of government form, electoral rules, concentration of parliamentary parties, and ideology. From an OLS regression on pooled data, our results show that presidential democracies spend more than parliamentary systems on defense, whereas the presence of a plurality voting system will reduce the defense burden. Our findings suggest that, in contrast to theoretical predictions in the literature, institutions do not have the same impact on the provision of all public goods. We present as well evidence regarding the effect of ideology on defense spending.

Intraregional trade in South America, 1913-50. Economic linkages before institutional agreements

Dejando de lado NAFTA, la integración comercial en América Latina sigue siendo muy moderada hoy en día, representando alrededor del 20% del comercio total. Lo sorprendente es que estos valores eran más altos en 1945. Esto constituye un hecho paradoxal: la integración comercial alcanzó su récord antes de la firma de acuerdos de integración comercial. En el presente trabajo se estudia el comercio intrarregional a lo largo del período de entreguerras (1913-1950) a través del análisis de cinco casos: Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile y Peru. El análisis de la integración comercial en este período representa una novedad en la literatura, ya que los trabajos sobre América Latina, específicos de comercio intraregional, se centran en el período a partir de la década de 1960. El documento destaca dos conclusiones principales: a) con la excepción de los períodos de las guerras mundiales, el comercio intraregional ha sido muy modesto desde 1913 hasta la actualidad, b) en general, el comercio intrarregional repitió la especialización del comercio mundial: una alta concentración en productos de bajo valor añadido.

Intraregional trade in South America, 1913-50. Economic linkages before institutional agreements

Dejando de lado NAFTA, la integración comercial en América Latina sigue siendo muy moderada hoy en día, representando alrededor del 20% del comercio total. Lo sorprendente es que estos valores eran más altos en 1945. Esto constituye un hecho paradoxal: la integración comercial alcanzó su récord antes de la firma de acuerdos de integración comercial. En el presente trabajo se estudia el comercio intrarregional a lo largo del período de entreguerras (1913-1950) a través del análisis de cinco casos: Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile y Peru. El análisis de la integración comercial en este período representa una novedad en la literatura, ya que los trabajos sobre América Latina, específicos de comercio intraregional, se centran en el período a partir de la década de 1960. El documento destaca dos conclusiones principales: a) con la excepción de los períodos de las guerras mundiales, el comercio intraregional ha sido muy modesto desde 1913 hasta la actualidad, b) en general, el comercio intrarregional repitió la especialización del comercio mundial: una alta concentración en productos de bajo valor añadido.