291 resultados para HEARN, LAFCADIO


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This paper explores the use of symbols and myths by management of Rio Tinto as important components of their weaponry for implementing a de-unionisation program throughout their Australian operations. The special use of language, categorisations and generalisations, have been crucial to the company’s successful implementation of “staff” employment. The ability of management to challenge and undermine traditional mythologies and develop new ones has been an essential ingredient in the company’s recipe for success in its efforts to deunionise its workforce. In particular, the paper explores management’s skill in promoting either the equalisation or differentiation aspects of “staff” employment. The paper concludes that one of the distinguishing features of “staff” employment has been it’s ability to promote the appearance of equalisation while actually leading to an enhanced differentiation of power between workers and managers.

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Never has a form of legislation created such contentious and wide-reaching emotional debate in Australia. It has divided the community and has resulted in extensive media activity. To the forefront are Australian academics who have often been the resource of expert comment and their reports have been prolific. In this book, academics have taken to opportunity to write their own perception of the impact of Work Choices in the workplace.

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If 2005 was a watershed year with the passing of the Work Choices legislation, then 2006 may well be considered year zero, symbolizing the beginning of a new era of Australian industrial relations under the employer friendly legislative regime. Employer groups were actively engaged in lobbying the Federal Government for further industrial relations reform, particularly in relation to the award rationalization process, and in pressuring the government for codification of the definition of `independent contractors', as a means of immunizing them from many of the rigours currently imposed by employment and labour law. Key employer groups made significant submissions to the newly formed Australian Fair Pay Commission in the lead up to its inaugural minimum wages decision, and though generally urging caution in raising minimum wages, there were nevertheless some differences of emphasis and approach apparent between a number of them. Despite an absence of widespread industrial disputation, the year witnessed a number of employers exercising their newfound powers — including some enhanced legal options — to either by-pass unions or to constrain union activity.

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Never has a form of legislation created such contentious and wide-reaching emotional debate in Australia. It has divided the community and has resulted in extensive media activity. To the forefront are Australian academics who have often been the resource of expert comment and their reports have been prolific. In this book, academics have taken to opportunity to write their own perception of the impact of Work Choices in the workplace.

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In terms of employer matters, the year 2008 may be best characterized as one dominated by change, challenge and Canberra, as the political landscape was transformed, industrial relations legislation was rewritten and global capitalism went into financial meltdown. The new political and economic environment seemed to demand a greater emphasis on consultation, efforts at cooperation and, dare I say it, in some cases even ‘consensus’. Nevertheless, employers were nonetheless active in pursuing their own objectives, with the main employer associations preoccupied for most of 2008 lobbying for changes and amendments to the form and substance of Labor’s new industrial relations regime, Forward with Fairness. Importantly, the new industrial and legal landscape suggested that the changed status of the ‘parties’ vis-a-vis awards, is likely to lead to increased competition for relevance among employer associations, leading to a series of amalgamations and rationalization, much as occurred with unions in the 1990s.

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The year 2007 may well be remembered as one being short on major industrial disputation, yet one where industrial relations itself dominated public discussion and political life of the country like no other time in Australia's history. It was a year dominated by the electoral cycle, with both organized labour as well as major employers playing their cards very carefully, lest they provide political ammunition to their political and industrial opponents. Thanks largely to the effectiveness of the union movement's anti Work Choices campaign, major employer groups and their political allies the Howard government found themselves fighting a rearguard, and ultimately losing, battle, valiantly trying to defend the Work Choices regime. At year's end, the Liberal government had lost office, Prime Minister John Howard had lost his own seat in Parliament, and the Rudd Labor Government had been swept to power with a clear mandate to dismantle the Work Choices regime. Yet despite this conclusion to a year dominated by debate over industrial relations, it seems that employers had nevertheless lobbied Labor party leaders successfully enough to secure the continuation of many key components of the former Howard government's industrial relations regime.

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The introduction of the Workplace Relations (Work Choices) Amendment Act 2005 (Cth) has resulted in one of the most contentious changes to federal labour law in Australia’s history. There is considerable debate as to whether it has fulfilled the government’s expectations of giving ‘flexibility’ and ‘choice’ to both employees and employers or if there has been an overall deterioration in working conditions. In order to identify the impact of this legislation in the workplace, Deakin University surveyed 11,000 AHRI members throughout Australia. Preliminary results are reported in the paper but, even at this early stage, there is sufficient material to critically comment upon the changes to Australia’s industrial relations system. It appears that the vast majority of AHRI members felt that there had been no change in productivity, job creation or work-family balance and that only a few expected an improvement over the next 3 years.

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This paper sets out to explain and critique the contribution made by Elliott Jaques to organizational and management theory. The attractiveness of the Jaquesian approach to senior managers is considered to be due to its justification for managerial authority, its logical worldview, and its claims of scientific rigour. Ultimately, however, his theoretical framework, today known as requisite organizational theory, despite having been developed from admirable intentions, is deemed to be seriously flawed and potentially dangerous.

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Given the scale of Rio Tinto's battles with the Australialn union movement during the roll out of its deunionisation program throughout its diverse miniing and manufacturing operations, there is much to be learnt from examining how the company first introduced its 'staff' employment system at its Tiwai Point smelter in New Zealand in 1991. Hamersley Iron in 1993, and at its Comalco-run Bell Bay and Weipa operations during 1994-96. More importantly, however, it is worth knowing why the company was so successful in deunionising previously 'soldered on' union territory. Though no doubt assisted by sympathetic legal, political and economic environments, it was ultimately the demonstrationl of managerial strength and determination, coupled with a hesitant union leadership, which led to the success of the company's deunionisation strategy. As the union movemenlt makes tenative steps to attract workers back to the fold, there are valuable lessons to be gained from analysing these momentous events which constitute such a transformational period in the history of Australian industrial relations.