Scurvy in the Great Irish Famine: Evidence of Vitamin C Deficiency From a Mid-19th Century Skeletal Population

Scurvy has increasingly been recognized in archaeological populations since the 1980s but this study represents the first examination of the paleopathological findings of scurvy in a known famine population. The Great Famine (1845–1852) was a watershed in Irish history and resulted in the death of one million people and the mass emigration of just as many. It was initiated by a blight which completely wiped out the potato—virtually the only source of food for the poor of Ireland. This led to mass starvation and a widespread occurrence of infectious and metabolic diseases. A recent discovery of 970 human skeletons from mass burials dating to the height of the famine in Kilkenny City (1847–1851) provided an opportunity to study the skeletal manifestations of scurvy—a disease that became widespread at this time due to the sudden lack of Vitamin C which had previously almost exclusively been provided by the potato. A three-scale diagnostic reliance approach has been employed as a statistical aid for diagnosing the disease in the population. A biocultural approach was adopted to enable the findings to be contextualized and the etiology and impact of the disease explored. The results indicate that scurvy indirectly influenced famine-induced mortality. A sex and stature bias is evident among adults in which males and taller individuals displayed statistically significantly higher levels of scorbutic lesions. The findings have also suggested that new bone formation at the foramen rotundum is a diagnostic criterion for the paleopathological identification of scurvy, particularly among juveniles. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Late Pleistocene history of turbidite sedimentation in a submarine canyon off the northern Great Barrier Reef, Australia

Cores from slopes east of the Great Barrier Reef (GBR) challenge traditional models for sedimentation on tropical mixed siliciclastic-carbonate margins. However, satisfactory explanations of sediment accumulation on this archetypal margin that include both hemipelagic and turbidite sedimentation remain elusive, as submarine canyons and their role in delivering coarse-grained turbidite deposits, are poorly understood. Towards addressing this problem we investigated the shelf and canyon system bordering the northern Ribbon Reefs and reconstructed the history of turbidite deposition since the Late Pleistocene. High-resolution bathymetric and seismic data show a large paleo-channel system that crosses the shelf before connecting with the canyons via the inter-reef passages between the Ribbon Reefs. High-resolution bathymetry of the canyon axis reveals a complex and active system of channels, sand waves, and local submarine landslides. Multi-proxy examination of three cores from down the axis of the canyon system reveals 18 turbidites and debrites, interlayered with hemipelagic muds, that are derived from a mix of shallow and deep sources. Twenty radiocarbon ages indicate that siliciclastic-dominated and mixed turbidites only occur prior to 31 ka during Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 3, while carbonate-dominated turbidites are well established by 11 ka in MIS1 until as recently as 1.2 ka. The apparent lack of siliciclastic-dominated turbidites and presence of only a few carbonate-dominated turbidites during the MIS2 lowstand are not consistent with generic models of margin sedimentation but might also reflect a gap in the turbidite record. These data suggest that turbidite sedimentation in the Ribbon Reef canyons, probably reflects the complex relationship between the prolonged period (> 25 ka) of MIS3 millennial sea level changes and local factors such as the shelf, inter-reef passage depth, canyon morphology and different sediment sources. On this basis we predict that the spatial and temporal patterns of turbidite sedimentation could vary considerably along the length of the GBR margin.

Evaluation of the diagnostic potential of a novel field immunomagnetic separation-immunochromatographic lateral flow assay to detect Mycobacterium bovis cells in European badger (Meles meles) faeces

The European badger (Meles meles) is a natural reservoir for Mycobacterium bovis, the causative agent of Bovine Tuberculosis, and has consequently been implicated in transmission of the disease to cattle. This study describes application of a novel M. bovis-specific immunochromatographic (lateral flow) assay in combination with immunomagnetic separation (IMS-LFD), to test badger faeces samples. In total, 441 faeces samples from badgers of unknown disease status collected from latrines at 110 badger setts throughout Northern Ireland (NI) and 100 faeces samples from badgers of known infection status from Great Britain (GB) were tested. Faeces (approx. 1g) was homogenised in 9 ml phosphate buffered saline, filtered (70 µm), and then 6-8 ml subjected to the IMS-LFD test. Residual clarified faecal homogenates were subjected to automated IMS followed by MGIT™ liquid culture (AIMS-MGIT™ culture) and qPCR (AIMS-qPCR). Evidence for the presence of M. bovis was obtained for 78 (18%), 61 (14%) and 140 (32%) of 441 NI badger faeces samples, and 10 (10%), 41 (41%) and 56 (56%) of 100 GB badger faeces samples, by IMS-LFD, AIMS-MGIT culture and AIMS-qPCR tests, respectively. The IMS-LFD test was less sensitive than AIMS-qPCR for detection of M. bovis and was, therefore, detecting badgers shedding high numbers of M. bovis in their faeces only. However, these ‘super shedders’ may be primarily responsible for the spread of Bovine Tuberculosis so are, therefore, an important target. This non-invasive test could form the basis of a field surveillance tool to indicate infected badger groups which are actively spreading M. bovis.

Tackling the terrorists: the experience of internment without trial in Northern Ireland

In August 1971, the devolved Stormont administration in Northern Ireland introduced internment without trial of those suspected of involvement in IRA terrorism. Ever since, the policy has been regarded as an abject failure. This article will reassess many of the key questions about internment: why did the Northern Ireland government introduce it when it did? Why did the Westminster government agree to a measure without parallel in British peacetime history? Why did it fail, when it had worked before? Was internment always doomed, or only because it was badly implemented? What was the alternative? How does the liberal democratic state defend itself against violent subversion without itself resorting to brutality and violence? This article is based on archival research in Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and on interviews with former internees, politicians and civil servants, and former members of the security forces. It suggests that internment was a relatively humane and honest policy and might, in different circumstances, have spared Northern Ireland thirty years of murder and mayhem.