894 resultados para Felt Accountability
Resumo:
This article explores the ways in which marginalised groups in Northern Ireland have employed and translated for practical use human rights standards, principles and mechanisms to campaign for the implementation of economic and social rights obligations. With the support of Participation and Practice of Rights, a regional nongovernmental organisation, marginalised groups have drawn upon human rights in their local context to campaign on issues related to mental health, housing, work and play. Based on case studies from four such campaigns, this article reviews the practical steps groups took to engage directly or indirectly with economic and social rights tools and mechanisms. The article reflects on the usefulness of these frameworks and mechanisms for achieving change in the case studies discussed, as well as the value of a human rights framework for empowering marginalised communities to make rights-based demands for change. It is argued that although the realisation of economic and social rights is limited in part by the lack of traditional enforcement mechanisms, community driven campaigns offer an opportunity for reimagining mechanisms for rights-based accountability.
Resumo:
In this paper we seek to develop a ‘relational’ perspective on accountability and on so-called ‘unaccountability.’. We focus on Mark Bovens’s use of the forum metaphor in his accountability model, arguing that his relational perspective is too narrow. We advocate instead a far broader and more fundamental engagement with the idea of relational accountability. Expanding the metaphors, we point to two other accountability spaces: ‘agora,’ a primordial accountability space and ‘bazaar,’ an emergent accountability space rooted in ground-level exchange between different actors. Assertions about ‘unaccountability,’ we argue, very often reflect a failure to appreciate the fundamentally relational nature of accountability: those who use such assertions as bases for action aimed at making situations, processes or people ‘more accountable’ in fact seek to assert or impose a certain form of relationship – one that is hierarchical and monopolistic – and reflect therefore a drive to power and domination.
Resumo:
In this paper we address the idea of ‘legal but corrupt’ through a discussion of two cases: abuse scandals in the Irish Catholic Church and the financial services industry in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis. We identify two important dynamics that generated the scandals: that they were driven by strong and stable groups existing within a peculiar kind of ‘accountability space’ that we describe as ‘monastic’ and that those groups persisted with tacit or explicit support from the state. ‘Legal but corrupt’ is, we argue, a matter of insider incomprehension sustained by the ceding of sovereignty over some aspect of social or economic life.
Resumo:
Our discussion focuses on the state’s ceding administrative power to special claimants for the state’s inattention. Legal corruption, by our lights, is less about explicit or implicit exchange relationships, and more about law being employed to carve out spaces where the state actively cedes spaces to private ‘sovereigns’ – sovereigns within the space, after it has been carved out – where they can regulate themselves as they see fit and where they can project their power over others without the state stepping in.
Resumo:
This paper highlights the crucial role played by party-specific responsibility attributions in performance-based voting. Three models of electoral accountability, which make distinct assumptions regarding citizens' ability to attribute responsibility to distinct governing parties, are tested in the challenging Northern Ireland context - an exemplar case of multi-level multi-party government in which expectations of performance based voting are low. The paper demonstrates the operation of party-attribution based electoral accountability, using data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study. However, the findings are asymmetric: accountability operates in the Protestant/unionist bloc but not in the Catholic/nationalist bloc. This asymmetry may be explained by the absence of clear ethno-national ideological distinctions between the unionist parties (hence providing political space for performance based accountability to operate) but the continued relevance in the nationalist bloc of ethno-national difference (which limits the scope for performance politics). The implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of party-specific responsibility attribution in performance based models of voting, and for our evaluation of the quality of democracy in post-conflict consociational polities, are discussed.
Resumo:
The past two decades witnessed a global proliferation of national human rights and equality bodies. Yet the research literature remains critical of their performance, positing a series of explanations for the gap between the expectations of civil society and the contribution they make. Through a comparative analysis of six statutory human rights and equality bodies in the United Kingdom and Ireland, this article explores the range of factors that shape their performance.
Resumo:
Aim of the study
This paper presents the experiences of undergraduate nursing students who participated in a creative learning project to explore the cells, tissues and organs of the human body through felt making.
Context and Background
This project was funded by a Teaching Innovation Award from the School of Nursing and Midwifery, Queen’s University Belfast to explore creative ways of engaging year one undergraduate nursing students in learning anatomy and physiology. The project was facilitated through collaboration between University Teaching staff and Arts Care, a unique arts and health charity in Northern Ireland.
Methodology
Twelve year one students participated in four workshops designed to explore the cells, tissues and organs of the human body through the medium of felt. Facilitated by an Arts Care artist, students translated their learning into striking felt images. The project culminated in the exhibition of this unique collection of work which has been viewed by fellow students, teaching staff, nurses from practice, and artists from Arts Care, friends, family and members of the public.
Key Findings and conclusions
The opportunity to learn in a more diverse way within a safe and non-judgmental environment was valued, with students’ reporting a greater confidence in life science knowledge. Self- reflection and group discussion revealed that the project was a unique creative learning experience for all involved – students, teaching staff and artist – resulting in individual and collective benefits far beyond knowledge acquisition. As individuals we each felt respected and recognised for our unique contribution to the project. Working in partnership with Arts Care enabled us to experience the benefits of creativity to well-being and reflect upon how engagement in creative activities can help healthcare professionals to focus on the individual patient’s needs and how this is fundamental to enhancing patient-centred care
Resumo:
Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to theorise and empirically examine the views of various NGO stakeholders on the role of donors in facilitating beneficiary accountability.
Method: The paper adopts a case study design and draws primarily on semi-structured interviews with the officials of a large development NGO, donor representatives and regulators.
Findings: We find that donor accountability contains both enabling and constraining features in relation to beneficiary accountability. Our evidence shows that while legitimising their own actions, donors’ accountability requirements embed some enabling provisions of beneficiary accountability, such as participation, monitoring, evaluation and lessons learning, which facilitate beneficiary accountability (Ebrahim, 2003b). We argue that exerting the attributes of power, legitimacy and urgency donors are in a position to realise their accountability claims (Mitchell, Agle, & Wood, 1997) and can hold funded NGOs to account. In the absence of beneficiaries’ power and the unwillingness of regulators to hold NGOs to account, donors’ accountability can play a complementary role in making an NGO accountable to its beneficiaries. Finally, we capture and illustrate some constraining features of donor accountability which limits the promotion of beneficiary accountability.
Research limitations/implications: The findings have significant implications for the policy makers and donors in the context of the current phenomenon of NGOs drive for self-sustainability via commercial activities which are actively encouraged by the donors.
Originality: This paper provides an alternative theorisation of donor accountability in a development NGO context. It draws on rare qualitative empirical data which incorporate the views of multiple groups (including donors which is hitherto rare in the NGO accountability literature) who are directly and/or indirectly involved in setting and negotiating NGO-donors accountability relationship. It enhances our understanding in terms providing a more nuanced portrayal of donor accountability.
Resumo:
This chapter explores the extent to which courts can contribute to the countering of terrorism. It suggests that the contribution will depend on the type of actor the courts are attempting to hold to account as well as on the powers that are conferred on courts by national and international legal regimes. It concludes that courts are most legitimate and effective in relation to terrorist suspects and law enforcers, but less so in relation to counter-terrorism operatives and law-makers.
Resumo:
This article examines the challenges of investigating and prosecuting forced displacement in the Central African countries of Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda, where higher loss of life was caused by forced displacement, than by any other. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, armed groups intentionally attacked civilian populations displacing them from their homes, to cut them off from food and medical supplies. In Northern Uganda, the government engaged in a forced displacement policy as part of its counter-insurgency against the Lord’s Resistance Army, driving the civilian population into “protected villages”, where at one point the weekly death toll was over 1,000 in these camps. This article critically evaluates how criminal responsibility can be established for forced displacement and alternative approaches to accountability through reparations.