935 resultados para Disphonic voice
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National and international studies demonstrate that the number of teenagers using the inter-net increases. But even though they actually do have access from different places to the in-formation and communication pool of the internet, there is evidence that the ways in which teenagers use the net - regarding the scope and frequency in which services are used as well as the preferences for different contents of these services - differ significantly in relation to socio-economic status, education, and gender. The results of the regarding empirical studies may be summarised as such: teenager with low (formal ) education especially use internet services embracing 'entertainment, play and fun' while higher educated teenagers (also) prefer intellectually more demanding and particularly services supplying a greater variety of communicative and informative activities. More generally, pedagogical and sociological studies investigating "digital divide" in a dif-ferentiated and sophisticated way - i.e. not only in terms of differences between those who do have access to the Internet and those who do not - suggest that the internet is no space beyond 'social reality' (e.g. DiMaggio & Hargittai 2001, 2003; Vogelgesang, 2002; Welling, 2003). Different modes of utilisation, that structure the internet as a social space are primarily a specific contextualisation of the latter - and thus, the opportunities and constraints in virtual world of the internet are not less than those in the 'real world' related to unequal distribu-tions of material, social and cultural resources as well as social embeddings of the actors involved. This fact of inequality is also true regarding the outcomes of using the internet. Empirical and theoretical results concerning forms and processes of networking and commu-nity building - i.e. sociability in the internet, as well as the social embeddings of the users which are mediated through the internet - suggest that net based communication and infor-mation processes may entail the resource 'social support'. Thus, with reference to social work and the task of compensating the reproduction of social disadvantages - whether they are medial or not - the ways in which teenagers get access to and utilize net based social sup-port are to be analysed.
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BACKGROUND Research suggests that "silence", i.e., not voicing safety concerns, is common among health care professionals (HCPs). Speaking up about patient safety is vital to avoid errors reaching the patient and thus to prevent harm and also to improve a culture of teamwork and safety. The aim of our study was to explore factors that affect oncology staff's decision to voice safety concerns or to remain silent and to describe the trade-offs they make. METHODS In a qualitative interview study with 32 doctors and nurses from 7 oncology units we investigated motivations and barriers to speaking up towards co-workers and supervisors. An inductive thematic content analysis framework was applied to the transcripts. Based on the individual experiences of participants, we conceptualize the choice to voice concerns and the trade-offs involved. RESULTS Preventing patients from serious harm constitutes a strong motivation to speaking up but competes with anticipated negative outcomes. Decisions whether and how to voice concerns involved complex considerations and trade-offs. Many respondents reflected on whether the level of risk for a patient "justifies" the costs of speaking up. Various barriers for voicing concerns were reported, e.g., damaging relationships. Contextual factors, such as the presence of patients and co-workers in the alarming situation, affect the likelihood of anticipated negative outcomes. Speaking up to well-known co-workers was described as considerably easier whereas "not knowing the actor well" increases risks and potential costs of speaking up. CONCLUSIONS While doctors and nurses felt strong obligation to prevent errors reaching individual patients, they were not engaged in voicing concerns beyond this immediacy. Our results offer in-depth insight into fears and conditions conducive of silence and voicing and can be used for educational interventions and leader reinforcement.
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ed. by Cyrus Adler
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by Joachim Kurantmann
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by M. Halpern
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Under the name Nollywood a unique video film industry has developed in Nigeria in the last few decades, which now forms one of the world’s biggest entertainment industries. With its focus on stories reflecting „the values, desires and fears” (Haynes 2007: 133) of African viewers and its particular way of production, Nollywood brings „lived practices and its representation together in ways that make the films deeply accessible and entirely familiar to their audience“ (Marston et al. 2007: 57). In doing so, Nollywood shows its spectators new postcolonial forms of performative self‐expression and becomes a point of reference for a wide range of people. However, Nollywood not only excites a large number of viewers inside and outside Nigeria, it also inspires some of them to become active themselves and make their own films. This effect of Nigerian filmmaking can be found in many parts of sub‐Saharan Africa as well as in African diasporas all over the world – including Switzerland (Mooser 2011: 63‐66). As a source of inspiration, Nollywood and its unconventional ways of filmmaking offer African migrants a benchmark that meets their wish to express themselves as minority group in a foreign country. As Appadurai (1996: 53), Ginsburg (2003: 78) and Marks (2000: 21) assume, filmmakers with a migratory background have a specific need to express themselves through media. As minority group members in their country of residence they not only wish to reflect upon their situation within the diaspora and illustrate their everyday struggles as foreigners, but to also express their own views and ideas in order to challenge dominant public opinion (Ginsburg 2003: 78). They attempt to “talk back to the structures of power” (2003: 78) they live in. In this process, their audio-visual works become a means of response and “an answering echo to a previous presentation or representation” (Mitchell 1994: 421). The American art historian Mitchell, therefore, suggests interpreting representation as “the relay mechanism in exchange of power, value, and publicity” (1994: 420). This desire of interacting with the local public has also been expressed during a film project of African, mainly Nigerian, first-generation migrants in Switzerland I am currently partnering in. Several cast and crew members have expressed feelings of being under-represented, even misrepresented, in the dominant Swiss media discourse. In order to create a form of exchange and give themselves a voice, they consequently produce a Nollywood inspired film and wish to present it to the society they live in. My partnership in this on‐going film production (which forms the foundation of my PhD field study) allows me to observe and experience this process. By employing qualitative media anthropological methods and in particular Performance Ethnography, I seek to find out more about the ways African migrants represent themselves as a community through audio‐visual media and the effect the transnational use of Nollywood has on their form of self‐representations as well as the ways they express themselves.
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The tension between technical experts and the populations they seek to serve is well established in the literature examining professional social problem solving. In this piece, I examine this tension as one between the distinct discursive worlds of technical expertise and community voice. I develop an analytic process, IMAP, for exploring this tension by looking at a wide variety of professional orientations around a relatively fixed concept of community voice. IMAP involves I&barbelow;dentifying social problem solvers, M&barbelow;apping social problem solvers' claims, A&barbelow;nalyzing professional orientations that arise from this mapping, and P&barbelow;redicting, diagnosing, and remediating conflicts. IMAP can be used by analysts external to social problem solving settings or by social problem solvers themselves. The use of IMAP by external experts poses questions of expert alignment with either of the discursive worlds. I examine two cases in public health practice settings: a mobile immunization service and the efforts of a foundation to improve health in an inner-city neighborhood. I develop four modal types that can be anticipated in social problem solving settings or, more specifically, in public health practice. Understanding of these “world views” can enhance mutual understanding between public health professionals and between public health professionals and the communities they seek to serve. IMAP might also address ongoing conflicts to clarify differences in unspoken normative commitments and the impact of these on social problem solving. I discuss implications of the research for public health practice and further research in the area. ^
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3. "Plan d'ensemble d'une enquête sur les attitudes generales de la population allemande a l'egard de la France et leurs consequences en ce qui concerne l'orientation des emissions en langue allemande de la radiodiffusion francaise", 18.05.1953. Typoskript, 7 Blatt; 4. "Note" Über Methode, Forschungsrichtung und Reichweite der Ergebnisse der Untersuchung; 18.05.1953; Typoskript, 7 Blatt; 5. "Note" Über Geschichte und Tätigkeit des Instituts für Sozialforschung; 18.05.1953; Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 6. Memorandum des Instituts zu Verfahren und ergebnissen der Untersuchung; 1954 [?]; Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 7.-17. Décamps, Jacques: Memoranden; 7. Memorandum, 12.09.1953; Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 8. "Memorandum re: Besprechung in Bad Godesberg in Bezug auf die französische Studie, am 04.September 1953", 10.09.1953. Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 9. "Memorandum re: Vorhaben des 'Centre d'Etudes Sociologiques, Paris', eine deutsch-französische Arbeitsgemeinschft für die Durchführung von Gemeindestudien zu gründen", 15.06.1953. Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 10. "Memorandum über den Besuch von M. Jean L. Pelosse, Centre d'Etudes sociologiques Paris", 12.06.1953. Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 11. "Bericht über die 'Journées d'Etudes eurropéennes sur la Population' Paris, 21., 22. und 23. Mai 1953", 01.06.1953; 12. "Bericht über den Stand der Verhandlungen mit dem Französischen Auswärtigen Amt und dem französischem Rundfunk. Besprechungen in Paris am 27. und 28. Mai 1953", 01.06.1953. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 13. Angaben für Max Horkheimer zur Übergabe von Memoranden, Projektbeschreibungen und Briefentwürfen, Mai 1953; Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 14. "Bericht über das 'Institut National d'Etudes Démographiques'", 07.05.1953. Typoskript, 4 Blatt; 15. "Memorandum re: Methode der Gruppendiskussion", 04.05.1953. Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 16. "Besprechung im 'Institut francaise d'Opinion Publique, Paris' und bei der hohen Behörde Luxemburg" 30.04.1953; 17. "Besprechung im Auswärtigen Amt und bei dem französischen Rundfunk", 29.04.1953. Typoskript, 6 Blatt; 18. Horkheimer, Max: 1 Brief an den französischen Botschafter in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, ohen Ort, ohne Datum; Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 19. Radiodiffusion-Télévision Francaise, le Directeur: 1 Briefabschrift an Jacques Décamps, Paris, 09.03.1954; 1 Blatt; 20. Plessner, Helmuth: 1 Brief an den französischen Außenminister, ohne Ort, 18.05.1953; 1 Blatt; 21. Plessner, Helmuth: 1 Brief an Radiodiffusion Francaise, ohne Ort, 18.05.1953; 1 Blatt; 22. Plessner, Helmuth: 1 Brief an den Ministerialrat der Sektion "Agences et Radio" im französischem Außenministerium, ohne Ort, 18.05.1953; 1 Blatt; "The Effectiveness of Candid versus Evasive German-Language Broadcasts of the Voice of America. Final Report", 1953. Typoskript, gebunden, 432 Blatt;