Intuition and its component parts in the heuristic processing of deception detection: Hunch, *evidence, and reliance on intuitive efficacy

Rated trust in intuitive efficacy (measured as trust, belief, use, accuracy and weighting of intuition) was investigated as a predictor of self-designated use of intuitive (hunch and hunch plus evidential belief) vs. deliberative (evidential belief and evidential belief plus hunch) deception detection judgments and actual accuracy. Twenty-nine student participants were filmed as they made true and deceptive statements about their everyday activities on a given evening (last Friday night), and college students (N=238) judged 20 (10=true, 10=deceptive) of these filmed statements as truthful or deceptive. Participants provided ratings of reliance on hunches vs. evidential belief, confidence in film judgments, intuitive efficacy, accuracy in deception detection, reliance on cues to deception, and experiences with intuition. Generalized estimated equation modeling using binary logistics demonstrated accuracy in identifying true vs. deceptive statements was predicted by film number, hunch-evidence ratings, weighting of intuition, and total cues cited. Weighting of intuition was predictive of accuracy across participants, with higher weighting predictive of higher accuracy in general. Participants who cited evidential belief plus hunch and moderate to high weighting incorrectly reversed their true vs. deceptive judgments. Accuracy for true statements was higher for hunches and hunch plus evidential belief, whereas accuracy for deceptive statements was higher for evidential belief Accuracy for participants who relied on evidential belief plus hunch was at chance. Subjective experiences underlying judgments differed by participant and type of film viewed (true vs. deceptive) and were predicted by hunch-evidence ratings, trust, use, intuitive accuracy, and total cues cited. Trust predicted increases in judging films to be true, whereas use and accuracy predicted increases in judging films as deceptive; none were predictive of accuracy. Increased number of cues cited predicted judgments of deception, whereas decreased number of cues cited predicted truth. The study concluded that participants have the capacity to self-define their judgments as subjectively vs. deliberately based, provide subjective assessments of the influence of intuitive vs. objective information on their judgments, and can apply this self-knowledge, through effective weighting of intuition vs. other types of information, in making accurate judgments of true and deceptive everyday statements.

Aplicação da democracia deliberativa como mecanismo de efetivação do direito fundamental a uma administração pública proba

This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study still has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to effect the Fundamental Right to Public Administration proba, efficient and honest. Thus, to achieve this mister, the proposal is to expose the pesamento the classic contractualist, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. After, it will be studied the theories of Fundamental Rights in order to demonstrate the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific custody rights, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due, especially, corruption. On the other side, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, which, to join a deliberative governance program needs to be politicized, adopting full participation, dialogue, as duty citizen. Furthermore, taking as most heart, will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas, whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a This study aims to analyze citizen participation in state policy decisions, as an essential element of legitimacy in the branches of the government, especially in the sphere of the Executive, in the context of deliberative democracy. But, this study also has the desideratum to understand the citizen's role in public life, especially in the sphere of the Executive Branch, in order to actualize the Fundamental Right to a just, efficient and honest Public Administration. Thus, to achieve this necessity, the proposal is to expose the thought of the classic contractualist thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Rousseau about the legitimacy of governments, through the statutes, and the question of the general will and majority rule as well as how to present the comments of Thomas Jefferson on popular sovereignty and dialogical citizen participation in matters of local interest. Later on, the theories of Fundamental Rights will be studied in order to demonstrate that the need for the Civil Service should be veiled in a more specific right custody, given the deep crisis in the Public Administrative practice due to, especially, the corruption. On the other hand, the fundamentality of management also covers the aspect of the development of cities, which decisively affects the development of man, who, to join a deliberative governance program, needs to be politicized, adopting full participation and dialogue as a citizen responsibility. Furthermore, taking as the major heart, it will be presented the doctrine of Jürgen Habermas whose Discourse Theory element is to be followed for the implementation of a broad deliberative and emancipatory democracy, with effective citizen participation. It will also be considered the Condorcet Constitution Project as a comparative link in the linking of the public deliberative will, and the Central Power, in the face of the Theory of “Sluice” Habermas. The proposal, based on communicative action, must allow a continuous flux and influx process of social interests towards the exercise of administrative power. The dialogical deal, brought to the center of the decisions, will allow discussions in the public scope, and may contribute to the legitimacy of government actions, inasmuch as it creates the feeling of politicization demanded by the man in a democratic state.

Deliberação e participação: dinâmica e efetividade do conselho de saúde de Mossoró/RN – 2009/2012

The social participation in Brazil takes a new impetus with the (re)democratization process of the Brazilian society and is strengthened by the resurgence of the civil society and the 1988 Constitution. In this context, the study is conducted with the scope to verify the effectiveness of deliberative Municipal Health Council of Mossoro (CMSM), with theoretical and methodological support based on the following models: the participatory normativity, which measures the degree of institutionalization, democratization and council representation; and the effectiveness of deliberative that, from the calling capacity and agenda of the participants, from the kinds of manifestation, from the decisions and the council’s office, that measures the degree of effectiveness of the deliberative council. It appears, thus, that the council has an average degree of effectiveness deliberative, standing out as means an institution that practice, despite the existence of obstacles and challenges, the role of control over municipal health policies, due, among other factors, the conservative political context, the asymmetry of resources between the counselors, the little substantive participation of the actors who attend its meetings, either counselor or not, and in particular, the reduced influence of the members in its decision-making process. In public management of Mossoro, social participation, especially social control over public actions, face, today, great number of difficulties to be held. The study recognizes that, in such circumstances, the council partially fulfills the role for which it was created, what does not impede, however, be characterized as an important deliberative space, since it allows the participation of representatives of the various segments of the state, society, their demands and intentions. Overcoming such obstacles moves through the interest of civil society to wake up and fight for the spaces in these institutions.

O Supremo Tribunal Federal como agente tecnocrático no exercício da jurisdição constitucional na solução de casos complexos : análise das ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade nº 3937/SP e nº 3357/RS

Many changes have taken place in contemporary society causing impacts in its different sectors, making it much more complex and insecure than in past times. The alteration on the decision-making system of the Brazilian society is among the main changes today. The post-modern context contributed to the occurrence of the transfer of state power of the Legislative and Executive Powers to the Judiciary Power, specifically to the Federal Court of Justice, leading to an expansion on the actuation range of this institution mainly through the exercise of the constitutional jurisdiction. This has caused a crisis of legitimacy in society once the Court will now decide the political and social fundamental issues. In this scenario, the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n° 3937/SP and n° 3357/RS are highlighted and both are being tried by the Supreme Court. Such emphasis is given, since it is a matter of high complexity and social repercussion that will be decided by a legal institution and not a political one. Thus, this work aims to analyze the role of the Supreme Court in the context of contemporary society on the trial of complex and controversial cases, particularly on the trial of Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n° 3937/SP and n° 3357/RS. This study has noticed that due to the post-modern context the majority of the Supreme Court Ministers tend to base their votes in constitutional principles and no longer limit themselves to a formal review of the constitutionality of laws, which indicates a substantialist approach. Moreover, it can be noticed the deliberative potential of the Court as well as the influence of the post-modern features, such as risk, uncertainty and insecurity on the elaboration of the Minister‟s votes. Therefore, sometimes, such as the case in study, the Supreme Court has acted as a technocratic agent in Brazilian society once fundamental political and social decisions for society especially when it comes to complex and controversial cases are being taken by the Supreme Court, which is composed by “Law technicians” and such decisions are mainly based in technical data and scientific studies. For the accomplishment of this work, it has been adopted the inductive approach and monographic procedure method and the bibliographical and documentary research technique.

Procéduralisme épistémique et légitimité démocratique : une défense de l'égalité politique

Ce mémoire explore la relation qui lie démocratie et légitimité politique, dans une perspective épistémique. La démocratie, dans son acception la plus générale, confère à chacun la possibilité de faire valoir les intérêts qu'il estime être les siens et ceux de sa communauté, en particulier à l’occasion d’un scrutin. Cette procédure décisionnelle qu’est le vote consacre ainsi en quelque sorte la liberté et l’égalité dont profitent chacun des citoyens, et confère une certaine légitimité au processus décisionnel. Cela dit, si le vote n’est pas encadré par des considérations épistémiques, rien ne garantit que le résultat politique qui en découlera sera souhaitable tant pour les individus que pour la collectivité: il est tout à fait permis d’imaginer que des politiques discriminatoires, économiquement néfastes ou simplement inefficaces voient ainsi le jour, et prennent effet au détriment de tous. En réponse à ce problème, différentes théories démocratiques ont vu le jour et se sont succédé, afin de tenter de lier davantage le processus démocratique à l’atteinte d’objectifs politiques bénéfiques pour la collectivité. Au nombre d’entre elles, la démocratie délibérative a proposé de substituer la seule confrontation d’intérêts de la démocratie agrégative par une recherche collective du bien commun, canalisée autour de procédures délibératives appelées à légitimer sur des bases plus solides l’exercice démocratique. À sa suite, la démocratie épistémique s’est inspirée des instances délibératives en mettant davantage l’accent sur la qualité des résultats obtenus que sur les procédures elles-mêmes. Au final, un même dilemme hante chaque fois les différentes théories : est-il préférable de construire les instances décisionnelles en se concentrant prioritairement sur les critères procéduraux eux-mêmes, au risque de voir de mauvaises décisions filtrer malgré tout au travers du processus sans pouvoir rien y faire, ou devons-nous avoir d’entrée de jeu une conception plus substantielle de ce qui constitue une bonne décision, au risque cette fois de sacrifier la liberté de choix qui est supposé caractériser un régime démocratique? La thèse que nous défendrons dans ce mémoire est que le concept d’égalité politique peut servir à dénouer ce dilemme, en prenant aussi bien la forme d’un critère procédural que celle d’un objectif politique préétabli. L’égalité politique devient en ce sens une source normative forte de légitimité politique. En nous appuyant sur le procéduralisme épistémique de David Estlund, nous espérons avoir démontré au terme de ce mémoire que l’atteinte d’une égalité politique substantielle par le moyen de procédures égalitaires n’est pas une tautologie hermétique, mais plutôt un mécanisme réflexif améliorant tantôt la robustesse des procédures décisionnelles, tantôt l’atteinte d’une égalité tangible dans les rapports entre citoyens.

Transfert de connaissances et politiques publiques : le cas de la politique de gratuité des soins au Niger

Au Niger, le taux de mortalité maternelle est estimé à 535 décès pour 100 000 naissances vivantes (INS, 2013) et la probabilité pour un nouveau-né de mourir avant l’âge d’un mois est de 33 ‰. Depuis 2006, le Niger a mis en place une politique de gratuité des soins pour les femmes enceintes et les enfants de 0 à 5 ans, ce qui a contribué à une amélioration significative de la fréquentation des centres de santé. En mars 2012, un processus délibératif fut organisé pendant une conférence de trois jours pour échanger sur les acquis, limites et perspectives de cette nouvelle politique avec 160 participants dont des chercheurs, des humanitaires, des décideurs politiques et des intervenants sur le terrain. L’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre les effets de cette conférence ainsi que d’explorer les activités du comité de suivi de la feuille de route. La recherche a été réalisée durant deux mois en été 2014 à Niamey et à N’guiguimi. Elle a reposé sur l’utilisation du cadre conceptuel de Boyko et al., (2012) qui permet de décrire les principales caractéristiques et les effets attendus des dialogues délibératifs et comprendre comment les dialogues délibératifs peuvent contribuer à l’élaboration de politiques sur la base de données probantes. Nous avons mis un accent particulier sur les trois formes d’utilisation des connaissances présentées par Dagenais et al., (2013) : instrumentale, conceptuelle et persuasive. Des entretiens semi-directifs ont été effectués avec 22 acteurs impliqués dans la mise en oeuvre des recommandations. Ils ont été enregistrés, retranscrits intégralement et traités avec le logiciel QDA Miner. Les résultats de l’analyse des discours recueillis révèlent une utilisation instrumentale des recommandations et plus visible chez les humanitaires que les décideurs et les acteurs de la société civile. Il ressort aussi de cette analyse une utilisation conceptuelle et persuasive des recommandations à un degré plus faible parmi tous les acteurs. Le comité de suivi de la feuille route de la conférence n’a pratiquement pas fonctionné, par conséquent, le processus n’a pas eu l’impact souhaité. Les principales raisons de cet échec sont liées au contexte de mise en oeuvre des recommandations (arrestation de plusieurs agents du ministère de la Santé publique qui sont des membres clés du comité de suivi à cause du détournement des fonds GAVI, manque de volonté technique et politique) et/ou aux conditions financières (absence de primes pour les membres du comité et de budget de fonctionnement.). Les iv résultats obtenus ont permis de comprendre les énormes défis (contextuels, financiers notamment) qui restent à relever en matière de transfert de connaissance dans le secteur de santé publique au Niger. En ce qui concerne la suite de la conférence, il faudrait accélérer la redynamisation du comité de suivi en le dotant d’un fonds de fonctionnement et en créant une agence autonome de gestion de la gratuité des soins; et renforcer le soutien politique autour de l’Initiative Santé Solidarité Sahel.

Facilitating Inclusion: Austrian Wisdom Councils as Democratic Innovation between Consensus and Diversity

Democratic innovations face the challenge of realizing deliberative democratic ideals in the context of structural inequality. Consensus decision making and expertise have been said to have exclusive effects on marginalized groups like women and ethnic and sexual minorities, which obstructs diversity. Wisdom Councils as practiced in Austria attempt to counter inequalities by including marginalized groups through the moderation technique dynamic facilitation. Exploratory participatory observations and interviews with a moderator and the participants of two Wisdom Councils in Austria provide a deeper understanding of the inclusive processes at work in Wisdom Councils facilitating a productive combination of consensus and diversity.

La objeción de la ignorancia pública

Las teorías deliberativas de la democracia han pasado de cuestionar en su totalidad los sistemas democráticos representativos y sus procedimientos de toma de decisiones a buscar su posibilidad de realización acomodándose a las instituciones liberales. Sin embargo, la deliberación democrática sigue suscitando oposición entre varios autores por varias razones, una de las cuales, especialmente conspicua, es la llamada objeción de la ignorancia pública, que afirma que el público por su ignorancia de los asuntos políticos está incapacitado para cumplir las exigentes requisitos que toda deliberación política presupone y por la que esta, a gran escala, deviene indeseable, cuando no imposible.

Do Institutional Participatory Projects Contribute to the Development of Political Capabilities?

Participation usually sets off from the bottom up, taking the form of more or less enduring forms of collective action with varying degrees of infl uence. However, a number of projects have been launched by political institutions in the last decades with a view to engaging citizens in public affairs and developing their democratic habits, as well as those of the administration. This paper analyses the political qualifying capacity of the said projects, i.e. whether participating in them qualifi es individuals to behave as active citizens; whether these projects foster greater orientation towards public matters, intensify (or create) political will, and provide the necessary skills and expertise to master this will. To answer these questions, data from the comparative analysis of fi ve participatory projects in France and Spain are used, shedding light on which features of these participatory projects contribute to the formation of political subjects and in which way. Finally, in order to better understand this formative dimension, the formative capacity of institutional projects is compared with the formative dimension of other forms of participation spontaneously developed by citizens.

Narrative Deliberation? On Storytelling as a Necessary Component of Public Deliberation

This paper deals with the place of narrative, that is, storytelling, in public deliberation. A distinction is made between weak and strong conceptions of narrative. According to the weak one, storytelling is but one rhetorical device among others with which social actors produce and convey meaning. In contrast, the strong conception holds that narrative is necessary to communicate, and argue, about topics such as the human experience of time, collective identities and the moral and ethical validity of values. The upshot of this idea is that storytelling should be a necessary component of any ideal of public deliberation. Contrary to recent work by deliberative theorists, who tend to adopt the weak conception of narrative, the author argues for embracing the strong one. The main contention of this article is that stories not only have a legitimate place in deliberation, but are even necessary to formulate certain arguments in the fi rst place; for instance, arguments drawing on historical experience. This claim, namely that narrative is constitutive of certain arguments, in the sense that, without it, said reasons cannot be articulated, is illustrated by deliberative theory’s own narrative underpinnings. Finally, certain possible objections against the strong conception of narrative are dispelled.

Perceptions of the common good in planning

There has been plenty of debate in the academic literature about the nature of the common good or public interest in planning. There is a recognition that the idea is one that is extremely difficult to isolate in practical terms; nevertheless, scholars insist that the idea ‘…remains the pivot around which debates about the nature of planning and its purposes turn’ (Campbell & Marshall, 2002, 163–64). At the point of first principles, these debates have broached political theories of the state and even philosophies of science that inform critiques of rationality, social justice and power. In the planning arena specifically, much of the scholarship has tended to focus on theorising the move from a rational comprehensive planning system in the 1960s and 1970s, to one that is now dominated by deliberative democracy in the form of collaborative planning. In theoretical terms, this debate has been framed by a movement from what are perceived as objective and elitist notions of planning practice and decision-making to ones that are considered (by some) to be ‘inter-subjective’ and non-elitist. Yet despite significant conceptual debate, only a small number of empirical studies have tackled the issue by investigating notions of the common good from the perspective of planning practitioners. What do practitioners understand by the idea of the common good in planning? Do they actively consider it when making planning decisions? Do governance/institutional barriers exist to pursuing the common good in planning? In this paper, these sorts of questions are addressed using the case of Ireland. The methodology consists of a series of semi-structured qualitative interviews with 20 urban planners working across four planning authorities within the Greater Dublin Area, Ireland. The findings show that the most frequently cited definition of the common good is balancing different competing interests and avoiding/minimising the negative effects of development. The results show that practitioner views of the common good are far removed from the lofty ideals of planning theory and reflect the ideological shift of planners within an institution that has been heavily neoliberalised since the 1970s.

Witness Anonymity at the International Criminal Court: Due Process for Defendants, Witnesses or Both?

The question of how far and in what way to extend protection to witnesses in trials has manifested itself in institutions as diverse as the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), the Committee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the ad hoc criminal tribunals (International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone), and most recently the International Criminal Court (ICC). This is not surprising; as David Lusty has pointed out in his seminal analysis of the use of anonymous accusers, the question has arisen in almost every legal deliberative body for the past two thousand years.

Uma arquitetura distribuída de hardware e software para controle de um robô móvel autônomo

BRITTO, Ricardo S.; MEDEIROS, Adelardo A. D.; ALSINA, Pablo J. Uma arquitetura distribuída de hardware e software para controle de um robô móvel autônomo. In: SIMPÓSIO BRASILEIRO DE AUTOMAÇÃO INTELIGENTE,8., 2007, Florianópolis. Anais... Florianópolis: SBAI, 2007.

Medborgarskapande för ett nytt millennium : utbildning och medborgarfostran i 2000-talets Sverige.

Citizenship in the making for a new millenium – education and citizen formation in 21st century Sweden. The aim of this article is to analyse citizenship formation in Swedish education. In highlighting trends regarding the assignment of the educational system to provide for democratic citizenship there are certain depictions of citizenship prevail- ing. The first stresses an inward-looking and inward-feeling citizenship, characterizing the citizen as deliberative and emotional. The second stresses an inward-looking and outward-making citizenship, characterizing the citizen as entrepreneurial and willing. Here, democracy is portrayed as already achieved. This, we argue, is hazardous as society risk being pictured as apolitical and democratically ‘saturated’. This situation does not open up for democratic change to come into question as desirable or even possible. Put differently, it leaves us with the notion that things have to be as they are, as we are living in the best of worlds.