896 resultados para Circle of Security
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One of the more aspects that have shaped the landscape is the human impact. The human impact has the clearest indicator of the density of settlements in a particular geographic region. In this paper we study all settlements shown on the map of the Kingdom of Valencia, Spain Geographic Atlas (AGE) of Tomas Lopez (1788), and their correspondence with the current ones. To meet this goal we have developed a specific methodology, the systematic study of all existing settlements in historical cartography. This will determine which have disappeared and which have been renamed. The material used has been the historical cartography of Tomas Lopez, part of the AGE (1789), the Kingdom of Valencia (1789), sheets numbers (78, 79, 80 and 81); Current mapping of the provinces of Alicante, Valencia, Castellon, Teruel, Tattagona and Cuenca; As main software ArcGis V.9.3. The steps followed in the methodology are as follows: 1. Check the scale of the maps. Analyze the possible use of a spherical earth model. 2. Geo-reference of maps with latitude and longitude framework. Move the historical longitude origin to the origin longitude of modern cartography. 3 Digitize of all population settlements or cities. 4 Identify historic settlements or cities corresponding with current ones. 5. If the maps have the same orientation and scale, replace the coordinate transformation of historical settlements with a new one, by a translation in latitude and longitude equal to the calculated mean value of all ancient map points corresponding to the new. 6. Calculation of absolute accuracy of the two maps, i.e. the linear distance between the points of both maps. 7 draw in the GIS, the settlements without correspondence, in the current coordinates, and with a circle of mean error of the sheet, in order to locate their current location. If there are actual settlements exist within this circle, they are candidates to be the searched settlements. We analyzed more than 2000 settlements represented in the Atlas of Tomas Lopez of the Kingdom of Valencia (1789), of which almost 14.5% have no correspondence with the existing settlements. The rural landscape evolution of the Valencia, oldest kingdom of Valencia, one can say that can be severely affected by the anthropization suffered in the period from 1789 to the present, since 70% of existing settlements actually have appeared after Tomas Lopez¿s cartography, dated on 1789
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Providing security to the emerging field of ambient intelligence will be difficult if we rely only on existing techniques, given their dynamic and heterogeneous nature. Moreover, security demands of these systems are expected to grow, as many applications will require accurate context modeling. In this work we propose an enhancement to the reputation systems traditionally deployed for securing these systems. Different anomaly detectors are combined using the immunological paradigm to optimize reputation system performance in response to evolving security requirements. As an example, the experiments show how a combination of detectors based on unsupervised techniques (self-organizing maps and genetic algorithms) can help to significantly reduce the global response time of the reputation system. The proposed solution offers many benefits: scalability, fast response to adversarial activities, ability to detect unknown attacks, high adaptability, and high ability in detecting and confining attacks. For these reasons, we believe that our solution is capable of coping with the dynamism of ambient intelligence systems and the growing requirements of security demands.
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Las redes de sensores inalámbricas son uno de los sectores con más crecimiento dentro de las redes inalámbricas. La rápida adopción de estas redes como solución para muchas nuevas aplicaciones ha llevado a un creciente tráfico en el espectro radioeléctrico. Debido a que las redes inalámbricas de sensores operan en las bandas libres Industrial, Scientific and Medical (ISM) se ha producido una saturación del espectro que en pocos años no permitirá un buen funcionamiento. Con el objetivo de solucionar este tipo de problemas ha aparecido el paradigma de Radio Cognitiva (CR). La introducción de las capacidades cognitivas en las redes inalámbricas de sensores permite utilizar estas redes para aplicaciones con unos requisitos más estrictos respecto a fiabilidad, cobertura o calidad de servicio. Estas redes que aúnan todas estas características son llamadas redes de sensores inalámbricas cognitivas (CWSNs). La mejora en prestaciones de las CWSNs permite su utilización en aplicaciones críticas donde antes no podían ser utilizadas como monitorización de estructuras, de servicios médicos, en entornos militares o de vigilancia. Sin embargo, estas aplicaciones también requieren de otras características que la radio cognitiva no nos ofrece directamente como, por ejemplo, la seguridad. La seguridad en CWSNs es un aspecto poco desarrollado al ser una característica no esencial para su funcionamiento, como pueden serlo el sensado del espectro o la colaboración. Sin embargo, su estudio y mejora es esencial de cara al crecimiento de las CWSNs. Por tanto, esta tesis tiene como objetivo implementar contramedidas usando las nuevas capacidades cognitivas, especialmente en la capa física, teniendo en cuenta las limitaciones con las que cuentan las WSNs. En el ciclo de trabajo de esta tesis se han desarrollado dos estrategias de seguridad contra ataques de especial importancia en redes cognitivas: el ataque de simulación de usuario primario (PUE) y el ataque contra la privacidad eavesdropping. Para mitigar el ataque PUE se ha desarrollado una contramedida basada en la detección de anomalías. Se han implementado dos algoritmos diferentes para detectar este ataque: el algoritmo de Cumulative Sum y el algoritmo de Data Clustering. Una vez comprobado su validez se han comparado entre sí y se han investigado los efectos que pueden afectar al funcionamiento de los mismos. Para combatir el ataque de eavesdropping se ha desarrollado una contramedida basada en la inyección de ruido artificial de manera que el atacante no distinga las señales con información del ruido sin verse afectada la comunicación que nos interesa. También se ha estudiado el impacto que tiene esta contramedida en los recursos de la red. Como resultado paralelo se ha desarrollado un marco de pruebas para CWSNs que consta de un simulador y de una red de nodos cognitivos reales. Estas herramientas han sido esenciales para la implementación y extracción de resultados de la tesis. ABSTRACT Wireless Sensor Networks (WSNs) are one of the fastest growing sectors in wireless networks. The fast introduction of these networks as a solution in many new applications has increased the traffic in the radio spectrum. Due to the operation of WSNs in the free industrial, scientific, and medical (ISM) bands, saturation has ocurred in these frequencies that will make the same operation methods impossible in the future. Cognitive radio (CR) has appeared as a solution for this problem. The networks that join all the mentioned features together are called cognitive wireless sensor networks (CWSNs). The adoption of cognitive features in WSNs allows the use of these networks in applications with higher reliability, coverage, or quality of service requirements. The improvement of the performance of CWSNs allows their use in critical applications where they could not be used before such as structural monitoring, medical care, military scenarios, or security monitoring systems. Nevertheless, these applications also need other features that cognitive radio does not add directly, such as security. The security in CWSNs has not yet been explored fully because it is not necessary field for the main performance of these networks. Instead, other fields like spectrum sensing or collaboration have been explored deeply. However, the study of security in CWSNs is essential for their growth. Therefore, the main objective of this thesis is to study the impact of some cognitive radio attacks in CWSNs and to implement countermeasures using new cognitive capabilities, especially in the physical layer and considering the limitations of WSNs. Inside the work cycle of this thesis, security strategies against two important kinds of attacks in cognitive networks have been developed. These attacks are the primary user emulator (PUE) attack and the eavesdropping attack. A countermeasure against the PUE attack based on anomaly detection has been developed. Two different algorithms have been implemented: the cumulative sum algorithm and the data clustering algorithm. After the verification of these solutions, they have been compared and the side effects that can disturb their performance have been analyzed. The developed approach against the eavesdropping attack is based on the generation of artificial noise to conceal information messages. The impact of this countermeasure on network resources has also been studied. As a parallel result, a new framework for CWSNs has been developed. This includes a simulator and a real network with cognitive nodes. This framework has been crucial for the implementation and extraction of the results presented in this thesis.
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Max Stirner's critique of Proudhon’s thoughts in the context of their young Hegelian reception Very early on, the works and ideas of the French socialist P.J.-Proudhon were discussed in the circle of the German young Hegelians. Also, Max Stirner mentioned him several times in Der Einzige und sein Eigentum. His critique of Proudhon’s thoughts is very important for his own definition and confrontation with the concept of property. The article analyses the different levels of his examination with this concept.
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In this paper, the expression “neighbourhood policy” of the European Union (EU) is understood in a broad way which includes the members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) contracting parties to the European Economic Area (EEA), the EFTA State Switzerland, candidate states, the countries of the European Neighbour-hood Policy (ENP), and Russia. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) is the centre of gravity in the judicial dimension of this policy. The innermost circle of integration after the EU itself comprises the EFTA States who are party to the European Economic Area. With the EFTA Court, they have their own common court. The existence of two courts – the ECJ and the EFTA Court – raises the question of homogeneity of the case law. The EEA homogeneity rules resemble the ones of the Lugano Convention. The EFTA Court is basically obliged to follow or take into account relevant ECJ case law. But even if the ECJ has gone first, there may be constellations where the EFTA Court comes to the conclusion that it must go its own way. Such constellations may be given if there is new scientific evidence, if the ECJ has left certain questions open, where there is relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights or where, in light of the specific circumstances of the case, there is room for “creative homogeneity”. However, in the majority of its cases the EFTA Court is faced with novel legal questions. In such cases, the ECJ, its Advocates General and the Court of First Instance make reference to the EFTA Court’s case law. The question may be posed whether the EEA could serve as a model for other regional associations. For the ENP states, candidate States and Russia this is hard to imagine. Their courts will to varying degrees look to the ECJ when giving interpretation to the relevant agreements. The Swiss Government is – at least for the time being – unwilling to make a second attempt to join the EEA. The European Commission has therefore proposed to the Swiss to dock their sectoral agreements with the EU to the institutions of the EFTA pillar, the EFTA Surveillance Authority (ESA) and the EFTA Court. Switzerland would then negotiate the right to nominate a member of the ESA College and of the EFTA Court. The Swiss Government has, however, opted for another model. Swiss courts would continue to look to the ECJ, as they did in the past, and conflicts should also in the future be resolved by diplomatic means. But the ECJ would play a decisive role in dispute settlement. It would, upon unilateral request of one side, give an “authoritative” interpretation of EU law as incorporated into the relevant bilateral agreement. In a “Non-Paper” which was drafted by the chief negotiators, the interpretations of the ECJ are even characterised as binding. The decision-making power would, however, remain with the Joint Committees where Switzerland could say no. The Swiss Government assumes that after a negative decision by the ECJ it would be able to negotiate a compromise solution with the Commission without the ECJ being able to express itself on the outcome. The Government has therefore not tried to emphasise that the ECJ would not be a foreign court. Whether the ECJ would accept its intended role, is an open question. And if it would, the Swiss Government would have to explain to its voters that Switzerland retains the freedom to disregard such a binding decision and that for this reason the ECJ is not only no foreign court, but no adjudicating court at all.
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Many scholars have analyzed the role of the European Union (EU) in its southern neighborhood by looking at the EU’s policy documents and strategies. As such, it is often argued that the EU is at best a useful partner in democratic reform and at worst an unsuccessful ‘normative power’. However, very few studies have analyzed the EU’s role from the recipients’ point of view: the southern neighboring countries themselves. This paper adopts an ‘outside-in approach’ and explores what the southern neighborhood countries believe the EU should be or do. On the basis of a set of 15 interviews with diplomats from the region and an analysis of 50 newspaper articles from the region on the EU’s relations with its southern neighborhood, this paper seeks to reveal the EU’s real ’added value’ for its southern Mediterranean partners. To what extent does the EU’s own perceived role in its southern neighborhood match the role conception of those countries? Based on the three case studies of Algeria, Jordan and Egypt, the paper finds that there is a clear divergence in role conceptions between the EU and its southern partners. While the EU sees itself as a ‘force for good’ and promoter of norms and democracy in the southern Mediterranean region, the three countries primarily believe that the EU perceives itself foremost as a provider of security and stability in the region, while they primarily expect it to act as a reliable partner for economic cooperation.
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The European Union has developed new capacity as a security actor in third countries, in particular in the area of crisis management. Over the past two decades the EU has deployed numerous missions, both of a civilian and military nature. Moreover the EU has defined its ability to intervene all along the ‘crisis cycle’, (from prevention to mediation, from peace-keeping to post-conflict reconstruction) and using all tools at its disposal (taking a ‘comprehensive approach’). However the EU is still not perceived as a major security provider globally and interventions remain limited to some geographic areas, mostly in its neighbourhood and Africa, with just a few examples further afield. The EU also tends to avoid taking direct action and seems to prefer partnership arrangements with other players. How can we explain the growing activism and number of EU’s intervention with the low impact and lack of visibility? Can we expect the EU to become more active in the future, taking on more responsibility and leading roles in addressing conflict situations? This paper will argue that the main reason for the EU’s hesitant role in crisis management is to be found in the weak decision-making provisions for EU’s security interventions, as one of the few policy areas still subject to consensus amongst 28 European Union Member States. Lack of a clearer delegation of competence or stronger coordination structures is closely linked to low legitimacy for the EU to take more robust action as a security actor. In order to overcome this legitimacy problem, and in order to facilitate consensus amongst Member States, the EU thus privileges partnership arrangements with other actors who can provide legitimacy and know-how, such as the UN or the African Union. As there is no political desire in the EU for tighter decision-making in this area, we can expect that the EU will continue to play a supporting rather than leading role in crisis management, becoming the partner of choice as it deepens its experience. However this does not mean that the EU is playing just a secondary role in the wider area of security, in particular when looking at nontraditional security. Looking at the role of the EU in Asia, where the EU has deployed just two missions, this paper will offer a broader assessment of the EU as a partner in the area of security taking into account different types of actions. The paper will argue that in order to strengthen cooperation with Asian partners in the area of crisis management, the EU will need to define better what it is able to offer, present its actions as part of an overall strategy rather than ad-hoc and piecemeal, and enter into partnership arrangements with different players in the region.
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The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.
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The main goal of this thesis is to report patterns of perceived safety in the context of airport infrastructure, taking the airport of Bologna as reference. Many personal and environmental attributes are investigated to paint the profile of the sensitive passenger and to understand why precise factors of the transit environment are so impactful on the individual. The main analyses are based on a 2014-2015 passengers’ survey, involving almost six thousand of incoming and outgoing passengers. Other reports are used to implement and support the resource. The analysis is carried out by using a combination of Chi-square tests and binary logistic regressions. Findings shows that passengers result to be particularly affected by the perception of airport’s environment (e.g., state and maintenance of facilities, clarity and efficacy of information system, functionality of elevators and escalators), but also by the way how the passenger reaches the airport and the quality of security checks. In relation to such results, several suggestions are provided for the improvement of passenger satisfaction with safety. The attention is then focused on security checkpoints and related operations, described on a theoretical and technical ground. We present an example of how to realize a proper model of the security checks area of Bologna’s airport, with the aim to assess present performances of the system and consequences of potential variations. After a brief introduction to Arena, a widespread simulation software, the existing model is described, pointing out flaws and limitations. Such model is finally updated and changed in order to make it more reliable and more representative of the reality. Different scenarios are tested and results are compared using graphs and tables.
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Bibliographical footnotes.
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Rembrandt van Rijn, circle of; 1 ft. 4 7/32 in.x 1 ft. 1 5/16 in.; oil on panel
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"October 1983."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"January 1988."
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Older people’s travel behaviour is affected by negative or positive critical incidents in the public transport environment. With the objective of identifying such inci- dents during whole trips and examining how travel beha- viour had changed, we have conducted in-depth interviews with 30 participants aged 65–91 years in the County of Stockholm, Sweden. Out of 469 incidents identified, 77 were reported to have resulted in travel behaviour change, 67 of them in a negative way. Most critical incidents were encountered in the physical environment on-board vehicles and at stations/stops as well as in pricing/ticketing. The findings show that more personal assistance, better driving behaviour, and swift maintenance of elevators and escala- tors are key facilitators that would improve predictability in travelling and enhance vulnerable older travellers’ feeling of security. The results demonstrate the benefit of involving different groups of end users in future planning and design, such that transport systems would meet the various needs of its end users.