958 resultados para Capitalist racionality
Resumo:
Aquesta tesi estudia algunes de les transformacions agràries enregistrades en un àmbit comarcal (la comarca catalana del Baix Empordà) entre mitjan segle XIX i mitjan segle XX. EI fil conductor és la distribució de la propietat del sol agrícola. Però per a la seva comprensió es considera necessari integrar moltes altres variables. EI treball també es proposa assajar alguns procediments metodològics poc habituals en l'anàlisi de la distribució de la propietat del sòl agrícola i la seva evolució en època contemporània. Com a hipòtesi central, es sosté que, al Baix Empordà i al llarg del període comprès entre 1850 i 1940, els canvis que varen produir-se en l'estructura de la propietat i, també, en I'estructura social rural, varen apuntar genèricament a favor dels grups pagesos. En particular, es sosté : ( I) Que la situació de partida (de mitjan segle XIX) ja es caracteritzava per un notable pes de la petita propietat pagesa sobre I'estructura de la propietat agrícola i sobre el conjunt del sistema agrari. (2) Que, amb posterioritat a la crisi agrària finisecular, els problemes de rendibilitat de la producció agrària i l'erosió soferta per alguns mecanismes d'extracció de renda varen tendir a allunyar els sectors rendistes que tradicionalment havien exercit la seva hegemonia -econòmica i social- en la societat rural. (3) I, finalment, que al llarg del període va produir-se un avenç de la propietat pagesa com a conseqüència del fet que una porció significativa de famílies pageses aconseguissin ampliar el seu patrimoni territorial a través de compres realitzades en el mercat de terres, alhora que un nombre significatiu de vells grans patrimonis es fraccionava i desfeia. La magnitud d'aquests canvis va ser moderada i no va pas estar exempta d'ambigüitats, però posa de relleu la capacitat de resistència i adequació de l'explotació pagesa a les condicions d'un capitalisme evolvent, malgrat els pronòstics en sentit contrari de molts teòrics. La tesi està articulada en dues parts. En la primera es duu a terme una descripció detallada de les característiques del sistema agrari baixempordanès de mitjan segle XIX amb l'objectiu final de determinar el significat econòmic de les terres posseïdes per cada patrimoni familiar (més enllà de la simple consideració de les superfícies). EI primer pas consisteix en l'anàlisi dels usos del sòl, dels conreus principals i la seva ordenació en rotacions, dels rendiments físics, de les practiques de reposició de la fertilitat i de la dotació ramadera. A continuació es descriuen les tècniques i el procés de treball agrari amb l'objectiu de formular un model d'organització del treball agrícola que permeti mesurar les exigències en treball d'aquesta activitat. Es conclou que, des de la perspectiva de l'ocupació i de la demanda de treball generades pel sistema agrari, les localitats rurals es caracteritzaven per un fort excedent de mà d'obra en relació a les demandes laborals dels conreus tant des d'una perspectiva macroeconòmica com microeconòmica. EI tercer capítol es centra en l'avaluació de les necessitats de consum i reproducció de les UFP. Les estimacions realitzades permeten proposar un model flexible, que és contrastat amb els ingressos potencialment obtenibles per cada patrimoni. S'arriba a la conclusió que només una ínfima part de la població arribava a obtenir, amb l'explotació directa del seu patrimoni, l'ingrés necessari per a la seva reproducció econòmica simple. Paral·lelament però, es posa de relleu la importància econòmica i social dels petits patrimonis pagesos. S'estima que entorn una mitjana del 45% del sòl agrícola estava posseït per aquest segment de propietaris i, en el quart capítol, s'estudien les implicacions d'aquest fet. EI retrat de la situació de partida finalitza amb l'estudi dels règims de no-propietat predominants a la comarca. En la segona part, aquesta visió estàtica deixa pas a una anàlisi dinàmica. A mitjan segle XIX, al Baix Empordà, s'estava arribant a la fi d'una llarga etapa expansiva iniciada una centúria abans. Els primers signes d'esgotament varen ser la intensa pèrdua de població rural entre 1860 i 1880, la paralització de l'expansió dels conreus i el fort desenvolupament de la industria surera, eix del nou motor econòmic comarcal. Amb posterioritat a 1860 els canvis en l'estructura distributiva de la propietat varen tendir a apuntar cap a la consolidació de la propietat pagesa. Es va produir un procés de transferència de terres des dels sectors rendistes cap a sectors pagesos que va realitzar-se a través de compravendes en el mercat de la terra més que a través d'establiments i subestabliments emfitèutics. Va tenir com a conseqüència última el retrocés dels vells patrimonis rendistes, que, en general, no varen ser substituïts per l'aparició de nous grans patrimonis, com havia pogut passar fins aleshores. Paral·lelament, un bon nombre d'unitats familiars rurals també varen anar abandonant el camp i les seves propietats, produint-se una altra línia de transferència de terres entre sectors pagesos. La depreciació sostinguda dels preus agrícoles, la caiguda de la renda agrària, la superior rendibilitat de les inversions en valors mobiliaris i la incidència d'una creixent conflictivitat agrària són els factors que es destaquen per explicar la reculada dels grans patrimonis territorials. Des de la perspectiva pagesa es proposen tres elements explicatius per interpretar el procés d'acumulació patrimonial observat en un determinat segment de població: (1) el manteniment d'estratègies de producció per a l'autoconsum (un aspecte sempre polèmic i de difícil demostració); (2) l'existència d'un flux important d'ingressos salarials i extra-agrícoles en la composició de l'ingrés familiar pagès; i (3) el canvi en les orientacions tècniques i productives de les explotacions pageses. La combinació dels tres, alhora que hauria limitat els efectes directes dels moviments dels preus agraris, hauria possibilitat l'estratègia acumulativa observada.
Resumo:
El artículo aborda las iniciativas que en materia de economía popular viene impulsando el Estado venezolano desde 2004, concretamente a través de la Misión Vuelvan Caras. Describe el devenir del proceso revolucionario venezolano desde 1998 hasta inicios de 2006, haciendo énfasis en el argumento de que la estrategia desestabilizadora de la oposición venezolana ha sido respondida desde el Estado y el movimiento popular con una radicalización del proceso político. En este contexto se explica la consolidación de una idea-fuerza que sostiene un profundo cuestionamiento del modelo de desarrollo imperante en Venezuela, lo que ha hecho posible la aplicación de políticas públicas de orientación anticapitalista.
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En los textos de Empire y Multitude, Antonio Negri y Michael Hardt proponen que en el mundo actual la fuerza dominante que controla el capitalismo, y así el poder, es el Imperio. El Imperio obtiene su fuerza a través del control de la producción intelectual y su poder está ere cien - do durante este período de transición en el modelo capitalista. En este ensayo, se argumenta que los oprimidos por el Imperio, quienes conforman como clase la multitud, necesitan el software libre para crear su sueño: la democracia. Este software es a la vez el mejor ejemplo de como puede ser la democracia y una herramienta que permite la ampliación de ella. Además, su potencial en la región andina es todavía mayor por la debilidad del modelo de democracia liberal que promociona el Imperio.
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El artículo se propone realizar un análisis del estado de la Universidad en situación de periferia dentro del actual proyecto capitalista y circunscrito a un "estudio de caso". Se trata de poner en evidencia las estrategias de un diseño "espectral" -bajo la apariencia de generalización de la igualdad democrática globalizada- que mantiene y profundiza las diferencias. Para ello se opera tanto en la dimensión académica como en la económica, apelando finalmente a una deontología que colabore en la concreción de las transformaciones buscadas.
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The thesis which follows, entitled ''The Postoccidental Deconstruction and Resignification of 'Modemity': A Critical Analysis", is an exposition and criticism of the critique of occidental modemity found in a group of writings which identify their critique with a "postoccidental" point of view with respect to postcolonial studies. The general problem ofthe investigation concems the significance and reach ofthis critique of modemity in relation to the ongoing debate, in Latín American studies, about the historical relationship between Latín America, as a mu1ticultural/ structurally heterogeneous region, and the industrial societies of Euro pe and North America. A brief Preface explains the genealogy of the author's ideas on this subject Following this preface, the thesis proceeds to analyze the writings in this corpus through an intertextual, schematic approach which singles out two rnajor elements of the postoccidental critique: "coloniality" and "eurocentrism". These two main elements are investigated in the Introduction and Chapters One and Two, in terms of how they distinguish postoccidental analysis from other theoretical tendencias with which it has affinities but whose key concepts it reformu1ates in ways that are key to the unique approach which postoccidental analysis takes to modemity, the nature of the capitalist world system, colonialism, subaltemization, center/periphery and development . Chapter Three attempts a critical analysis of the foregoing postoccidentalist deconstruction according to the following question: to what extent does it succeed in deconstructing "modernity" as a term which refers to a historically articulated set of discourses whose underlying purpose has been to justify European and North American hegemony and structural asymmetries vis-a-vis the peripheries of the capitalist world system, based on an ethnocentric, racialist logic of exploitation and subalternization of non-European peoples? A Conclusion follows Chapter Three.
Resumo:
El presente artículo se enfoca en las contradicciones del proyecto nacional ecuatoriano de principios del siglo XX en cuanto pretende subsanar identidades en conflicto dentro de las nuevas configuraciones sociales y espaciales. Para ello se examina la forma en la que Luis A. Martínez reconoce la ambivalencia de la modernidad al punto de confeccionar sus obras como alegorías de fallidas comunidades imaginadas. Tanto sus catecismos de agricultura como su novela A la costa (1905), además de contribuir a los debates intelectuales de la época sobre la participación del país en el moderno sistema-mundo capitalista, testimonian las contradicciones existentes dentro del liberalismo como ideología hegemónica. De ahí que los textos arriba mencionados sean considerados como bisagras que vislumbran lo nacional en lo liminar aunque todavía sin subvertir los desencuentros entre la clase dominante y la subalterna.
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The project consists of a trilogy of films and a live performance. The Future trilogy takes IKEA riot of 2005 as the starting point for a speculative history of a fictional future, culminating in a choreographed re-enactment of the original event. Shot on 16mm and 8mm film, the series explores the possibility of collective action emerging from the capitalist relations inherent in the consumer riot. The live performance No Haus Like Bau, staged at the HAU 1 theatre in Berlin for the 5th Berlin Biennale, continues this research into re-enactment and post-1989 politics by dramatizing the rise and fall of the soviet union as a neo-Constructivist mime using a stage set made of flatpack furniture. Using the aesthetics of Modernism and the avant garde, from Constructivist and Futurist constumes to biomechanics and Bauhaus theatre theory, the project transposes early twentieth century utopian ideology to a present day setting where mass uprisings are motivated by cheap commodities. These explorations of consumerism and revolution have been widely exhibited internationally and supported by Film London, Arts Council England, Collective Gallery and the Berlin Biennale. The Future Trilogy formed the basis of a solo exhibition at the Te Tuhi Art Centre in Auckland, New Zealand and was screened as part of the Signal and Noise media art festival in Vancouver, as well as other exhibitions and screenings including “Roll it to Me” at Collective Gallery, Edinburgh, and Apocatopia, Castlefield Gallery, Manchester.
Resumo:
Based on a series of collage made from images of mega yachts, the Future Monument looks at the possibility of taking late capitalism more seriously as an ideology than it takes itself seriously. The project asks whether the private display of wealth and power represented by the yacht can be appropriated for a new language of public sculpture. The choreographed live performance of the construction of the large scale monument was scripted to a proposed capitalist manifesto and took place in a public square in Herzliya, Israel. It aimed to articulate the ideology latent in capitalism’s claims to a neutral manifestation of human nature. The Future Monument project was developed through reading seminars taking place at Goldsmiths College, as part of a research strand headed by Pil and Galia Kollectiv on irony and overidentification within the Political Currency of Art research group. This research has so far produced a series of silk screen collage prints, a sculpture commissioned by the Essex Council and a live performance commissioned by the Herzliya Biennale. However, the project is ongoing, with future outputs planned including a curated exhibition and conference in 2012, in collaboration with Matthew Poole, Programme Director of the Centre for Curatorial Studies at the University of Essex.
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The play Epic Sea Battle at Night was originally staged in 1967, to commemorate two of China’s People’s Liberation Army’s military triumphs over the Taiwanese navy two years previously. Produced at the height of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the play is an example of the exploitation of the arts as an ideological instrument, celebrating military heroism and political conviction. Stills from the play were included in, China Pictorial 11, an English language propaganda pamphlet that was distributed to Western Imperialists in order to educate them in Maoist policy. Today, these images are clear representations of ideology. More than forty years after the Cultural Revolution, the ideology under which we live, neo-liberal late-capitalism, deliberately shirks from such blatant displays of propaganda. We have supposedly the freedom to believe whatever we like in a post-ideological age, and yet core beliefs about meritocracy, individualism and competitiveness frequently go unchallenged. By juxtaposing the visual language of ideology with the text of the capitalist manifesto, the re-enactment of a scene from Epic Sea Battle at Night harnesses the aesthetics of the past so as to allow us to reconsider the alleged neutrality of the present. The design of the stage, the positioning of the actors, costumes and props of the current production closely resembled those documented in China Pictorial 11, yet the actors’ monologues belong to a completely different context. No less heroic and utopian in tone than the speech given by the political instructor of gunboat 874 in the original play, the capitalist manifesto was an attempt to give a concrete language to the shapeless ideology of the present, and to force the invisible currents that govern life today, in China as in the West, to the surface. Neither a lecture on neo-liberal economics, nor a theatrical performance of a narrative, the piece appropriated the format of the propaganda play to re-evaluate the relationship between art and politics now.
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Leisure is in the vanguard of a social and cultural revolution which is replacing the former East/West political bipolarity with a globalised economic system in which the new Europe has a central rôle. Within this revolution, leisure, including recreation, culture and tourism, is constructed as the epitome of successful capitalist development; the very legitimisation of the global transmogrification from a production to a consumption orientation. While acting as a direct encouragement to the political transformation in many eastern European states, it is uncertain how the issue of leisure policy is being handled, given its centrality to the new economic order. This paper therefore examines the experience of western Europe, considering in particular the degree to which the newly-created Department of National Heritage in the UK provides a potential model for leisure development and policy integration in the new Europe. Despite an official rhetoric of support and promotion of leisure activities, reflecting the growing economic significance of tourism and the positive relationship between leisure provision and regional economic development, the paper establishes that in the place of the traditional rôle of the state in promoting leisure interests, the introduction of the Department has signified a shift to the use of leisure to promote the Government's interests, particularly in regenerating citizen rights claims towards the market. While an institution such as the Department of National Heritage may have relevance to emerging states as a element in the maintenance of political hegemony, therefore, it is questionable how far it can be viewed as a promoter or protector of leisure as a signifier of a newly-won political, economic and cultural freedom throughout Europe.
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This paper links market‐based ‘protest’ strategies, as used recently by environmental protest groups and other sociations, to citizenship theory, seeking to open a debate about the role of the consumer‐citizen. It is suggested that such consumer‐citizenship, whereby protest and political action are encouraged through market mechanisms, and limited through state action, is an important feature of late‐modernity. The paper seeks to illustrate how advanced capitalist societies are producing reworked forms of rights relationships. This is discussed within the context of the rhetoric of ‘active’ citizenship as used in UK politics and through examples of recent environmental protests and other consumer‐citizen strategies.
Resumo:
The project consists of a live performance taking the 2005 IKEA riot as the starting point for a speculative history of a fictional future, culminating in a choreographed re-enactment of the original event. It is accompanied by a film series explores the possibility of collective action emerging from the capitalist relations inherent in the consumer riot. The performance, staged at the Berlin Biennale, continues this research into re-enactment and post-1989 politics, using a stage set made of flatpack furniture. Using the aesthetics of Modernism and the avant garde, the project transposes early twentieth century utopian ideology to a present day setting where mass uprisings are motivated by cheap commodities. By re-evaluating biomechanics and Bauhaus theatre theory, these explorations of consumerism and revolution propose that the mechanized movement developed in conjunction with industrial labour survives as a historical re-enactment in the wake of manufacturing work in the west. In the absence of a visual language apt to the contemporary, No Haus Like Bau uses re-enactment as a retrogarde tactic. Its purpose on the one hand is to invoke trajectories for alternate futures that never materialized at an originary moment. On the other hand, the clash of past forms with present content serves to accentuate the historical changes that have thrown into question these forms. Rather than reflecting the present, the projection of the past into a fictional future aims to destabilize the dominant narrative that suggests the current configuration of art, politics and human nature has always been this way. The project has been widely exhibited internationally and supported by Film London and Arts Council England. A theoretical essay on re-enactment as a strategy for performance has been published in Art Papers and in Memory [MIT]. The project also formed the basis of a solo exhibition at Te Tuhi Art Centre, Auckland.
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• This is a study of the relationship between institutional settings and managerial compensation systems, based on extensive cross-national survey evidence. • We compare differences in practices between Multinational Corporations (MNCs) and domestic firms across a range of capitalist archetypes. • We find that MNCs are more likely to promote compensation systems that incentivise managers in line with organisational performance compared to domestic firms. Our findings also reveal persistent diversity reflecting firm type and institutional setting. We find that the gap between MNCs and domestic firms in terms of the usage of incentive-related compensation is less pronounced in Liberal Market Economies than in other settings. This suggests that it is a combination of being an MNC and the specific home locale that moulds approaches to managerial compensation. This reflects considerable hybridisation of practices within and between settings.
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One of the central debates in contemporary socio-economics concerns the relationship between institutions and firm-level practices and the persistence of a number of alternative viable models for economic development. We examine diversity within and between specific types of capitalism using data from a transnational survey incorporating 14 organizational level practices in a sample of six capitalist archetypes, constituting 27 countries and some 6503 firms. We focus on one of the key-defining features of different varieties of capitalism, the interdependence of employers and employees. We find that there are clustering tendencies, consistent with the literature, but also considerable diversity within as well as between the varieties, although we did not find “diffuse diversity” or homogeneity. The analysis supports a complex and nuanced relationship within and between varieties of capitalism that has not been previously captured in the literature.
Resumo:
Purpose – This paper seeks to make the case for new research into the perceived fairness and impact of executive pay. Design/methodology/approach – The paper reviews the literature regarding executive compensation and corporate performance and examines the evidence that a more egalitarian approach to pay could be justified in terms of long-term shareholder value. Findings – There would appear to be no evidence to suggest that the growing gap between the pay of executives and that of the average employee generates long-term enterprise value, and it may even be detrimental to firms, if not the liberal capitalist consensus on which the corporate licence to operate is based. Research limitations/implications – The paper outlines a new approach to tracking income differentials with corporate performance through the development of a corporate Gini coefficient “league table”. Social implications – The proposed research is expected to point towards better practice in executive remuneration, and support the growing momentum for a sustainable and enlightened approach to business, in which the key goal is long-term enterprise value based on a fair distribution of the rewards of business. Originality/value – In producing a deeper understanding of the impact of widening income differentials, the paper should be of interest to senior executives in publicly quoted companies as well as press commentators, government officials and academics.