176 resultados para Apartheid


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The 1977 UN arms embargo was one of the main factors which led South Africa to establish a largely self sufficient import-substituting arms industry capable of meeting the apartheid state's demand for sophisticated weaponry. While macroeconomic studies suggest that high military spending had a damaging effect on economic growth, no studies have investigated the disaggregated impact of military expenditure on industrial development. This paper applies panel data methods to the Industrial Development Corporation's Sectoral Database in order to analyse the level effects of military spending.

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During the 1970s and 1980s, close linkages were established between unionists in Volkswagen's Uitenhage plant in South Africa and Wolfsburg in Germany. The ensuing relationship resulted in trade union internationalism and solidarity with South African workers in their struggle against apartheid. After the insertion of the South African plant into the global production networks of the company, a range of new pressures and challenges confronted the union in South Africa. This resulted in the mass dismissal in 2000. In an attempt to garner international support and solidarity, the dismissed workers tapped into existing structures with no success, illustrating the reconfiguration of trade union internationalism away from worker interests to those of the unions and company. © 2010 UALE.

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The Republic of South Africa is a unique place on the African continent: it was the only place which had a bloodless transition process when the regime changed from a minority government to a democratic one. During the transition period unemployment was at a level of 13 percent, however it rose to 30 percent in just six years time. In the paper we analyse what kind of attempts does the government make in order to sustain the social assistance system, and keep its promise to the voters by providing better living conditions and protection as opposed to apartheid.

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The Republic of South Africa since the 1948 inception of Apartheid policies has experienced economic problems resulting from spatially dispersed growth. The election of President Mandela in 1994, however, eliminated the last forms of Apartheid as well as its discriminatory spatial, social, and economic policies, specially toward black Africans. In Cape Town, South Africa, several initiatives to restructure and to economically revitalize blighted and abandoned township communities, like Langa, have been instituted. One element of this strategy is the development of activity streets. The main questions asked in this study are whether activity streets are a feasible solution to the local economic problems left by the apartheid system and whether activity streets represent an economically sustainable approach to development. An analysis of a proposed activity street in Langa and its potential to generate jobs is undertaken. An Employment Generation Model used in this study shows that many of the businesses rely on the local purchasing power of the residents. Since the economic activities are mostly service oriented, a combination of manufacturing industries and institutionally implemented strategies within the township will have to be developed in order to generate sustainable employment. The result seem to indicate that, in Langa, the activity street depend very much on an increase in sales, pedestrian and vehicular traffic flow. ^

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J. M. Coetzee es uno de los más importantes escritores sudafricanos. Ximena Picallo Visconti contextualiza al autor y sus obras en el marco de un cambio político cuyos basamentos fueron el postapartheid sudafricano y la desarticulación de un discurso dominante sedimentado durante mucho tiempo. En Sudáfrica, los procesos de identificación están plagados de intersticios y negociaciones (muchas veces dispares) en la búsqueda y construcción de significados (Picallo Visconti, 2007). La mirada de Coetzee nos impulsa como lectores a un proceso de deconstrucción y de cuestionamiento constante, superando las construcciones ancladas del eurocentrismo ejercidas por la práctica del colonialismo y por el sistema segregacionista del apartheid. Por ello, este trabajo indagará sobre la mirada del autor, intentando acercar algunas lógicas de su obra respecto de la invención de un "Otro". Se trabajará sobre la novela Esperando a los bárbaros, en la que otro y espacio se tensionan para poner al lector en una disyuntiva superadora, en la cual quizás nosotros (el imperio) seamos los que nos encontramos fuera del muro.

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J. M. Coetzee es uno de los más importantes escritores sudafricanos. Ximena Picallo Visconti contextualiza al autor y sus obras en el marco de un cambio político cuyos basamentos fueron el postapartheid sudafricano y la desarticulación de un discurso dominante sedimentado durante mucho tiempo. En Sudáfrica, los procesos de identificación están plagados de intersticios y negociaciones (muchas veces dispares) en la búsqueda y construcción de significados (Picallo Visconti, 2007). La mirada de Coetzee nos impulsa como lectores a un proceso de deconstrucción y de cuestionamiento constante, superando las construcciones ancladas del eurocentrismo ejercidas por la práctica del colonialismo y por el sistema segregacionista del apartheid. Por ello, este trabajo indagará sobre la mirada del autor, intentando acercar algunas lógicas de su obra respecto de la invención de un "Otro". Se trabajará sobre la novela Esperando a los bárbaros, en la que otro y espacio se tensionan para poner al lector en una disyuntiva superadora, en la cual quizás nosotros (el imperio) seamos los que nos encontramos fuera del muro.

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South Africa’s first democratic constitution of 1996, which defines the content and scope of citizenship, emerged out of what the country’s Constitutional Court accurately described as ‘a deeply divided society characterized by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice which generated gross violations of human rights, the transgression of humanitarian principles in violent conflicts and a legacy of hatred, fear, guilt and revenge’ (cited in Jagwanth, 2003: 7). The constitution was internationally noteworthy for its expressed protection of women’s and sexual minority rights and its extension of rights of citizenship to socio-economic rights, such as rights of adequate healthcare, housing and education (SAGI, 1996). During South Africa’s first two decades of democracy, the Constitutional Court has proven its independence by advancing citizenship rights on a number of occasions (O’Regan, 2012). The struggle for citizenship was at the heart of the liberation struggle against the apartheid regime and within the complex dynamics of the anti-apartheid movement, increasingly sophisticated and intersectional demands for citizenship were made. South Africa’s constitutional rights for citizenship are not always matched in practice. The country’s high rates of sexual violence, ongoing poverty and inequality and public attitudes towards the rights of sexual minorities and immigrants lag well behind the spirit and letter of the constitution. Nevertheless, the achievement of formal citizenship rights in South Africa was the result of a prolonged and complex liberation struggle and analysis of South Africa demonstrates Werbner’s claim that ‘struggles over citizenship are thus struggles over the very meaning of politics and membership in a community’ (1999: 221). This chapter will begin with a contextual and historical overview before moving onto analyzing the development of non-racialism as a basis for citizenship, non-sexism and gendered citizenship, contestations of white, militarized citizenship and the achievement of sexual citizenship by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights movement. As shall be made clear, all these citizenship demands emerged during the decades of the country’s liberation struggle.

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Focusing on post-apartheid South Africa, the report explores the role of lawyers in truth recovery mechanisms.

The report was prepared by Dr Rachel Killean and draws on a series of interviews conducted in South Africa (with legal academics, ‘struggle’ lawyers, state lawyers, judges and human rights activists) as part of the wider Lawyers, Conflict and Transition project.

Dr Killean begins with an overview of the various roles the legal profession has played in South Africa, both during the apartheid era and post-transition.

The first half of the report then explores the role of lawyers as professional participants – firstly at the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and secondly in the Marikana Commission of Inquiry.

The report then considers the notion of lawyers as subjects of truth recovery, looking in particular at the Special Legal Hearing on the legal profession as part of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

In the concluding section Killean reflects on the extent to which lawyers influence the procedures and outcomes of truth recovery mechanisms and offers some concrete suggestions as to how the involvement of lawyers in such processes might be more effectively managed.

With regard to lawyers as subjects of truth recovery, she acknowledges the limitations of the South African model but posits that the endeavour must be applauded, not least because it demonstrated that it is possible to scrutinise the role of the legal profession in past conflict, and that it is worth wrestling with the associated challenges.

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The relationship between France and its minorities is complex. Recent events including the 2015 terrorist attacks, the prohibition on wearing religious symbols in public, or the 2005 riots, have been perceived as symbols of great tension in French society when its comes to its minorities.2 Indeed the ten-year anniversary of the riots prompted reporting that nothing had changed in the intervening period in the structures of inequality that caused them,3 while in January 2015, the French Prime Minister Manuel Valls declared that the country was facing a “territorial, ethnic and social apartheid”.4 This statement from the Prime Minister seems to be at odds with the overall policy of rejecting any targeted policies or laws to protect minorities in France. As a tradition France is against minority rights. French authorities have consistently rejected the use of the term ‘minorities’, and have banned any form of special measures for national, racial, ethnic, religious or linguistic groups.5

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In the past decades, social-ecological systems (SESs) worldwide have undergone dramatic transformations with often detrimental consequences for livelihoods. Although resilience thinking offers promising conceptual frameworks to understand SES transformations, empirical resilience assessments of real-world SESs are still rare because SES complexity requires integrating knowledge, theories, and approaches from different disciplines. Taking up this challenge, we empirically assess the resilience of a South African pastoral SES to drought using various methods from natural and social sciences. In the ecological subsystem, we analyze rangelands’ ability to buffer drought effects on forage provision, using soil and vegetation indicators. In the social subsystem, we assess households’ and communities’ capacities to mitigate drought effects, applying agronomic and institutional indicators and benchmarking against practices and institutions in traditional pastoral SESs. Our results indicate that a decoupling of livelihoods from livestock-generated income was initiated by government interventions in the 1930s. In the post-apartheid phase, minimum-input strategies of herd management were adopted, leading to a recovery of rangeland vegetation due to unintentionally reduced stocking densities. Because current livelihood security is mainly based on external monetary resources (pensions, child grants, and disability grants), household resilience to drought is higher than in historical phases. Our study is one of the first to use a truly multidisciplinary resilience assessment. Conflicting results from partial assessments underline that measuring narrow indicator sets may impede a deeper understanding of SES transformations. The results also imply that the resilience of contemporary, open SESs cannot be explained by an inward-looking approach because essential connections and drivers at other scales have become relevant in the globalized world. Our study thus has helped to identify pitfalls in empirical resilience assessment and to improve the conceptualization of SES dynamics.

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A multi-sectorial regime of protection including international treaties, conservation and security measures, demand reduction campaigns and quasi-military interventions has been established to protect rhinos. Despite these efforts, the poaching of rhinos and trafficking of rhino horn continue unabated. This dissertation asks why the illegal market in rhinoceros horn is so resilient in spite of the myriad measures employed to disrupt it. A theoretical approach grounded in the sociology of markets is applied to explain the structure and functioning of the illegal market. The project follows flows of rhino horn from the source in southern Africa to illegal markets in Southeast Asia. The multi-sited ethnography included participant observations, interviews and focus groups with 416 informants during fourteen months of fieldwork. The sample comprised of, amongst others, convicted and active rhino poachers, smugglers and kingpins, private rhino breeders and hunting outfitters, African and Asian law enforcement officials, as well as affected local communities and Asian consumers. Court files, CITES trade data, archival materials, newspaper reports and social media posts were also analysed to supplement findings and to verify and triangulate data from interviews, focus groups and observations. Central to the analysis is the concept of “contested illegality”, a legitimization mechanism employed by market participants along the different segments of the horn supply chain. These actors' implicit or explicit contestation of the state-sponsored label of illegality serves as a legitimising and enabling mechanism, facilitating participation in gray or illegal markets for rhino horn. The research identified fluid interfaces between legal, illegal and gray markets, with recurring actors who have access to transnational trade structures, and who also possess market and product knowledge, as well as information about the regulatory regime and its loopholes. It is against the background of colonial, apartheid and neoliberal exploitation and marginalization of local communities that a second argument is introduced: the path dependency of conservation paradigms. Underpinning rhino conservation and regulation are archaic and elitist conservation regimes that discount the potential for harmonious relationships between local communities and wildlife. The increasing militarization of anti-poaching measures and green land grabs are exacerbating the rhino problem by alienating communities further from conservation areas and wild animals. The third argument looks at how actors deal with coordination problems in transnational illegal markets. Resolving the coordination problems of cooperation, value and competition are considered essential to the operation of formal markets. It is argued that the problem of security provides an additional and crucial obstacle to actors transacting in markets. The systematic analysis of flows between the researched sites of production, distribution and consumption of rhino horn shows that the social embeddedness of actors facilitates the flourishing of illegal markets in ways that escape an effective enforcement of CITES regulations.