859 resultados para politics and international relations
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"German Economy, Politics and Culture, 1900-1933. A Research Project of the International Institute of Social Research" (1940):; 1. Umriß des Forschungsprojekts: e)-g) Fassung vom 25.5.1940: e) Typoskript, 63 Blatt, f) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 61 Blatt, g) Typoskript, 61 Blatt, h)-k) "Introduction": h) Typoskript, 21 Blatt, i) Typoskript, 15 Blatt, k) D.V. Glass: Entwurf, Manuskript, 17 Blatt; 2. Kostenschätzung zum Forschungsprojekt. 1 Blatt; "The Collapse of German Democracy and the Expansion of National Socialism" (1940):; 1. Darstellung des Forschungsprojekts (15.9.1940), a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 70 Blatt;
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Since the formation of Afghanistan, its nature as a Pashtun state has affected all its international relations. On the other hand, the fact that it was originally established as a buffer state between Britain and Russia still governs its national integration. In this article I examine Afghanistan's relations with its neighbors through an investigation of its history and the present conditions of its borders with its southern, western and northern neighbors. My aim is to obtain an overall perspective of Afghanistan's relations with its neighbors, historically decisive elements, and the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks.
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Introduction. The week following his reelection, President Obama traveled to Asia – Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia –, while facing at home a fiscal cliff, the need to select the next Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury, and the resignation of one of America’s most senior and respected generals and Director of the CIA, David Petraeus; all this at the moment wherein the Middle East is burning in flames due to another round of violence between Israel and Hamas. On the other side of the pond, the EU is currently trying to solve or at least contain several crises: the Eurozone, agreeing on the Multiannual Financial Framework 2014-2020, or MFF 2014-2020,2 and saving France.3 For both giants, the American and European priorities are domestic; they both need to do some ‘nation-building at home.’4 The threat of the fiscal cliff in the US and the one of the Eurocrisis in Europe are too important to be ignored and so visceral that they will affect the way both actors behave internationally and interact with one another. The big question since Obama’s reelection has been what will the EU-US relations look like under his second mandate? And will there be any differences from the first one?5 This paper argues that the US-EU relations will remain quite similar as it was under the first Obama presidency. Nevertheless, with the current shift to Asia, the ‘pivot,’ the EU will be required to increase its contributions to global politics and international security. This paper is structured in three parts. First, the economic and political climax of the EU and the US will be presented. In a second a part, the EU and US strategies and foreign policies will be laid out. Last but not least, several core issues facing the Euro-Atlantic community, such as the Asia pivot, Iran, climate change, and the economy will be addressed. Other issues such as Syria, Afghanistan, and the Middle East and North Africa will not be addressed in this paper.6
Germany and the Eurocrisis: The timing of politics and the politics of timing. ACES Cases No. 2014.3
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This paper speculates on the future of the euro. It uses Germany as a prism for the discussion about what might be done next to bolster the Euro. Researching the future—always a challenging task—is made harder when multiple state actors contend for prominence on the basis of shifting coalitions at home, all while interacting at an international level. That said, almost everyone accepts that German choices will play the central role in the path ultimately chosen. This paper thus foregrounds Germany’s role in shaping the way ahead, and it does so through an explicitly political framework focused primarily on the electoral implausibility of an alternative German policy course.
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Starting from the concept of delegation of power in external trade policy, this paper aims to investigate the dynamics surrounding the European Union’s position in international trade negotiations. The analysis centres on the role of the European Commission (the agent), which by means of Treaty-based delegation and as mandated by the Council (the principal) acts as the sole trade negotiator in the international sphere on behalf of the European Union (EU). The broader negotiating process is thus conceptualised as a threelevel game, where the Commission holds an intermediary position between the European and international levels and also interacts with the Member States in the Council. After an insight into the European decision-making process for external trade, the paper further analyses the Commission’s role during the multilateral trade negotiations of the Doha Development Round. By applying the principal-agent theory to international trade negotiations in general, and subsequently to the controversial agricultural negotiations, this paper seeks to investigate some of the potential sources of autonomy that the Commission can draw upon while upholding an EU position at the international level, in addition to the “hardball” job of balancing the interests of the Member States with those of World Trade Organisation (WTO) partners. Along these lines, the paper finally aims to contribute to the literature concerning agency autonomy in EU external trade relations but also to provide a better understanding of inter-institutional relations within the EU as they may unfold in practice.
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Recent research indicates that social identity theory offers an important lens to improve our understanding of founders as enterprising individuals, the venture creation process, and its outcomes. Yet, further advances are hindered by the lack of a valid scale that could be used to measure founders' social identities - a problem that is particularly severe because social identity is a multidimensional construct that needs to be assessed properly so that organizational phenomena can be understood. Drawing on social identity theory and the systematic classification of founders' social identities (Darwinians, Communitarians, Missionaries) provided in Fauchart and Gruber (2011), this study develops and empirically validates a 12-item scale that allows scholars to capture the multidimensional nature of social identities of entrepreneurs. Our validation tests are unusually comprehensive and solid, as we not only validate the developed scale in the Alpine region (where it was originally conceived), but also in 12 additional countries and the Anglo-American region. Scholars can use the scale to identify founders' social identities and to relate these identities to micro-level processes and outcomes in new firm creation. Scholars may also link founders' social identities to other levels of analysis such as industries (e.g., industry evolution) or whole economies (e.g., economic growth).
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Social identity theory offers an important lens to improve understanding of founders as enterprising individuals, the venture creation process, and its outcomes. Yet, further advances are hindered by the lack of valid scales to measure founders’ social identities. Drawing on social identity theory and a systematic classification of founders’ social identities (Darwinians, Communitarians, and Missionaries), we develop and test a corresponding 15-item scale in the Alpine region and validate it in 13 additional countries and regions. The scale allows identifying founders’ social identities and relating them to processes and outcomes in entrepreneurship. The scale is available online in 15 languages.
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Cover title.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"Report of Senator Edward W. Brooke, 'United States foreign assistance for Haiti', April 1974": p. 73-120.
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"Important books on international relations": p. 400-408; other bibliographies interspersed.
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Bibliography : p. 239-276.
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Reproduced from type-written copy.
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"Serial no. 108-34."
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"B-283605"--P. 3.