Energy demands in taekwondo athletes during combat simulation

The purpose of this study was to investigate energy system contributions and energy costs in combat situations. The sample consisted of 10 male taekwondo athletes (age: 21 +/- 6 years old; height: 176.2 +/- 5.3 cm; body mass: 67.2 +/- 8.9 kg) who compete at the national or international level. To estimate the energy contributions, and total energy cost of the fights, athletes performed a simulated competition consisting of three 2 min rounds with a 1 min recovery between each round. The combats were filmed to quantify the actual time spent fighting in each round. The contribution of the aerobic (WAER), anaerobic alactic (W-PCR), and anaerobic lactic (Wleft perpendicularLA-right perpendicular) energy systems was estimated through the measurement of oxygen consumption during the activity, the fast component of excess post-exercise oxygen consumption, and the change in blood lactate concentration in each round, respectively. The mean ratio of high intensity actions to moments of low intensity (steps and pauses) was similar to 1:7. The W-AER, W-PCR and (Wleft perpendicularLA-right perpendicular) system contributions were estimated as 120 +/- 22 kJ (66 +/- 6%), 54 +/- 21 kJ (30 +/- 6%), 8.5 kJ (4 +/- 2%), respectively. Thus, training sessions should be directed mainly to the improvement of the anaerobic alactic system (responsible by the highintensity actions), and of the aerobic system (responsible by the recovery process between high- intensity actions).

Aggressiveness Overcomes Body-Size Effects in Fights Staged between Invasive and Native Fish Species with Overlapping Niches

Approximately 50 years ago, Nile tilapia were accidentally introduced to Brazil, and the decline of pearl cichlid populations, which has been intensified by habitat degradation, in some locations has been associated with the presence of Nile tilapia. There is, however, little strong empirical evidence for the negative interaction of non-native fish populations with native fish populations; such evidence would indicate a potential behavioural mechanism that could cause the population of the native fish to decline. In this study, we show that in fights staged between pairs of Nile tilapia and pearl cichlids of differing body size, the Nile tilapia were more aggressive than the pearl cichlid. Because this effect prevailed over body-size effects, the pearl cichlids were at a disadvantage. The niche overlap between the Nile tilapia and the pearl cichlid in nature, and the competitive advantage shown by the Nile tilapia in this study potentially represent one of several possible results of the negative interactions imposed by an invasive species. These negative effects may reduce population viability of the native species and cause competitive exclusion.

Is shell partitioning between the hermit crabs Pagurus brevidactylus and Pagurus criniticornis explained by interference and/or exploitation competition?

The effect of crab behaviour on shell-use dynamics was analysed, comparing both interference and exploitation behaviours between the hermit crabs Pagurus criniticornis and Pagurus brevidactylus. Although these species exhibited microhabitat separation, with P. criniticornis dominating (100%) in sandy substrates and P. brevidactylus (80%) on rocky shores, they overlapped in the rocky shore/sand interface (P. criniticornis, 53%; P. brevidactylus, 43%). Pagurus criniticornis occupied shells of Cerithium atratum in higher frequencies (84%) than P. brevidactylus (37%), which was hypothesized to be a consequence of competitive interactions combined with their ability to acquire and/or retain this resource. The species P. criniticornis was attracted in larger numbers to simulated gastropod predation events than was P. brevidactylus, which, on the few occasions that it moved before P. criniticornis, tended to be attracted more rapidly. Interspecific shell exchanges between these species were few, suggesting the absence of dominance relationships. The shell-use pattern in this species pair is thus defined by exploitation competition, which is presumed to be intensified in areas of microsympatry. These results differ from other studies, which found that interference competition through interspecific exchanges shapes shell use, indicating that shell partitioning in hermit crabs is dependent on the behaviour of the species involved in the contests.

Tra società informazionale e prosumerismo: il citizen journalism e la partecipazione on line

I temi della ricerca riguardano il rapporto fra avvento del web e la modificazione dei processi di formazione di identità personale e sociale, della percezione dello spazio e del tempo, del prosumerismo digitale e delle varie forme di partecipazione ed associazione. Centrale è stata l’analisi del rapporto fra il Web 2.0 e la trasformazione delle forme di comunicazione a vari livelli, sia personali che sociali. Partendo da una analisi dei contesti socio-economici globali che hanno trasformato la società moderna nella società informazionale, è stato impostato un percorso di ricerca che approfondisse gli attuali criteri di strutturazione della propria identità, alla luce dell’avvento dei social network e delle reti virtuali di comunicazione come strumento preferenziale di socializzazione. La realtà delle reti sociali è stata analizzata in un’ottica di aggregazione spontanea mirata tanto alla comunicazione quanto alla tutela dei consumatori, e le trasformazioni portate dal Web 2.0 sono state la chiave di lettura per ridefinire i parametri della partecipazione dal basso generata dalla rete. Per comprendere la portata di tali trasformazioni nel contesto italiano è stato impostato un paragone tra l’uso del web negli Stati Uniti e in Italia, avendo le recente campagne elettorali dimostrato l’importanza del web nella partecipazione politica bottom-up; il percorso di ricerca ha dunque affrontato una comparazione di due casi, quello italiano e quello statunitense, finalizzato a comprendere l’attuale ruolo dell’utente nelle dinamiche di comunicazione mediatica. Per focalizzare al meglio le trasformazioni sociali generate dalla partecipazione on line è stato infine analizzato il caso del citizen journalism, per misurare, attraverso la metodologia dell’etnografia digitale, l’entità delle trasformazioni in corso. Il portale di giornalismo partecipativo YouReporter è stato il contesto privilegiato dove poter verificare le ipotesi iniziali circa le dinamiche di partecipazione, e il supporto di programmi di elaborazione statistica netnografica ha permesso di destrutturare al meglio tali dinamiche.

Frequency-dependent social dominance in a color polymorphic cichlid fish

A mechanism commonly suggested to explain the persistence of color polymorphisms in animals is negative frequency-dependent selection. It could result from a social dominance advantage to rare morphs. We tested for this in males of red and blue color morphs of the Lake Victoria cichlid, Pundamilia. Earlier work has shown that males preferentially attack the males of their own morph, while red males are more likely to win dyadic contests with blue males. In order to study the potential contribution of both factors to the morph co-existence, we manipulated the proportion of red and blue males in experimental assemblages and studied its effect on social dominance. We then tried to disentangle the effects of the own-morph attack bias and social dominance of red using simulations. In the experiment, we found that red males were indeed socially dominant to the blue ones, but only when rare. However, blue males were not socially dominant when rare. The simulation results suggest that an own-morph attack bias reduces the social dominance of red males when they are more abundant. Thus, there is no evidence of symmetric negative frequency-dependent selection acting on social dominance, suggesting that additional fitness costs to the red morph must explain their co-existence.

Running in Heels: an Analysis of Advertisements By Female Senate Candidates

Female candidates have become more successful in the political arena, specifically in the United States Senate. Today, females make up twenty percent of the total Senate seats. Despite this increase, females are still underrepresented in Washington. As such, understanding the roadblocks to equality will help us achieve parity. In an attempt to understand various challenges that female senatorial candidates face, this project looks at a specific element of their campaign, TV advertisements. Assessing candidate advertisements will help us understand whether gender affects strategic campaign decisions. Specifically, this project investigates the relationship between candidate gender and casting and setting of TV advertisements. Does gender influence the makeup of political ad spots? In order to understand this relationship more completely, I employ both quantitative data and case study analysis for same-gender and mixed-gender primary and general election contests in 2004 and 2008. Ultimately, candidate gender has little to no effect on casting of senatorial advertisements across both election cycles. Despite this variation in casting, we observe consistent findings across three settings, the political setting, the home setting, and the neighborhood setting. In both 2004 and 2008, female candidates use smaller proportions of ad frames with the political setting in comparison to their male counterparts. Female candidates in both election cycles also employed greater proportions of ad frames with the home and neighborhood setting compared to male candidates. These discrepancies point to a distinction in advertisement strategy depending on gender of the candidate.

Barn owl (Tyto alba) siblings vocally negotiate resources

Current theory proposes that nestlings beg to signal hunger level to parents honestly, or that siblings compete by escalating begging to attract the attention of parents. Although begging is assumed to be directed at parents, barn owl (Tyto alba) nestlings vocalize in the presence but also in the absence of the parents. Applying the theory of asymmetrical contests we experimentally tested three predictions of the novel hypothesis that in the absence of the parents siblings vocally settle contests over prey items to be delivered next by a parent. This 'sibling negotiation hypothesis' proposes that offspring use each others begging vocalization as a source of information about their relative willingness to contest the next prey item delivered. In line with the hypothesis we found that (i) a nestling barn owl refrains from vocalization when a rival is more hungry, but (ii) escalates once the rival has been fed by a parent, and (iii) nestlings refrain from and escalate vocalization in experimentally enlarged and reduced broods, respectively. Thus, when parents are not at the nest a nestling vocally refrains when the value of the next delivered prey item will be higher for its nest-mates. These findings are the exact opposite of what current models predict for begging calls produced in the presence of the parents. [References: 20]

Direct male-male competition can facilitate invasion of new colour types in Lake Victoria cichlids

The possibility that disruptive sexual selection alone can cause sympatric speciation is currently a subject of much debate. The initial difficulty for new and rare ornament phenotypes to invade a population, and the stabilisation of the resulting polymorphism in trait and preference make this hypothesis problematic. Recent theoretical work indicates that the invasion is facilitated if males with the new phenotype have an initial advantage in male-male competition. We studied a pair of sympatric incipient species of cichlids from Lake Victoria, in which the red (Pundamilia nyererei) and blue males (P. pundamilia) vigorously defend territories. Other studies suggested that red phenotypes may have repeatedly invaded blue populations in independent episodes of speciation. We hypothesised that red coloration confers an advantage in male-male competition, assisting red phenotypes to invade. To test this hypothesis, we staged contests between red and blue males from a population where the phenotypes are interbreeding morphs or incipient species. We staged contests under both white and green light condition. Green light effectively masks the difference between red and blue coloration. Red males dominated blue males under white light, but their competitive advantage was significantly diminished under green light. Contests were shorter when colour differences were visible. Experience of blue males with red males did not affect the outcome of a contest. The advantage of red over blue in combats may assist the red phenotype to invade blue populations. The apparently stable co-existence of red and blue incipient species in many populations of Lake Victoria cichlids is discussed.

New Patterns of Democracy in the Countries of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems

The chapter introduces a new database on political-institutional patterns of democracy used in the contributions to the book. It provides an update and extension of Lijphart’s (1999, 2012) measurement of consensus and majoritarian democracy for the countries of the second wave of the CSES during the period 1997–2006, using 11 partly improved indicators. The chapter explores patterns of democracy by the means of factor analysis, construct additive indices, and present the resulting country scores of consensus and majoritarian democracy graphically. Two variants are presented, one featuring Lijphart’s (1999) classic ‘executives–parties’ and ‘federal–unitary’ dimensions, and another incorporating direct democracy into the framework, yielding an additional ‘cabinets–direct democracy’ dimension

Der schweizerische Bundesstaat von 1848 bis 1874: Mehrheits- oder Konsensusdemokratie?

Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, ob die schweizerische Demokratie bereits ab der Bundesstaatsgründung im Jahr 1848 eine ausgeprägte Konsensusdemokratie war. Zur Beantwortung dieser Fragestellung bedient sich die Studie des Konzepts von Arend Lijphart (2012) mit der Unterscheidung von Mehrheits- und Konsensusdemokratie. Anhand von Literatur- und Dokumentenanalysen wurden Lijpharts Indikatoren für den schweizerischen Bundesstaat von 1848–1874 codiert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass das politische System der neu gegründeten Schweiz auf Lijpharts Demokratiekarte insbesondere auf der horizontalen Machtteilungsdimension wie erwartet sehr nahe an der Position der USA zu liegen kommt.

Europeanization in parliament and in the press

Europeanization challenges national democratic systems. As part and parcel of the broader internationalization of politics, Europeanization is associated with a shift from policymaking within majoritarian, elected representative bodies towards technocratic decisions among non-majoritarian and non-elected bodies (Kohler-Koch and Rittberger 2008, Lavenex 2013). It is thus said to weaken the influence of citizens and parliaments on the making of policies and to undermine democratic collective identity (Lavenex 2013, Schimmelfennig 2010). The weakening of national parliaments has been referred to as “de-parliamentarisation” (Goetz and Meyer-Sahling 2008) and has nurtured a broader debate regarding the democratic deficit in the EU. While not being a member of the EU, Switzerland has not remained unaffected by these changes. As discussed in the contribution by Fischer and Sciarini, state executive actors take the lead in Switzerland's European policy. They are responsible for the conduct of international negotiations, they own the treaty making power, and it is up to them to decide whether they wish to launch a negotiation with the EU. In addition, the strong take-it or leave-it character of Europeanized acts limits the room for manoeuver of the parliamentary body also in the ratification phase. Among the public, the rejection of the treaty on the European constitution has definitely closed the era of “permissive consensus” (Hooghe and Marks 2009). However, the process of European unification remains far remote from the European public. In Switzerland, the strongly administrative character of international legislation hinders public discussion (Vögeli 2007). In such a context, the media may serve as cue for the public: By delivering information about the extent and nature of Europeanized policymaking, the media enable citizens to form their own opinions and to hold their representatives accountable. In this sense media coverage may not only be considered an indicator of the information delivered to the public, but it may also enhance the democratic legitimacy of Europeanized policymaking (for a similar argument, see Tresch and Jochum 2005). While the previous contributions to this debate have examined the Europeanization of Swiss (primary and secondary) legislation, we take a closer look at two additional domestic arenas that are both supposed to be under pressure due to Europeanization: The parliament and the media. To that end, we rely on data gathered in a research project that two of us carried out in the context of the NCCR Democracy.1 While this project was primarily interested in the mediatization of decision-making processes in Switzerland, it also investigated the conditional role played by internationalization/Europeanization. For our present purposes, we shall exploit the two data-sets that were developed as part of a study of the political agenda-setting power of the media (Sciarini and Tresch 2012, 2013, Tresch et al. 2013): A data-set on issue attention in parliamentary interventions (initiatives, motions, postulates,2 interpellations and questions) and a data-set on issue attention in articles from the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ). The data covers the years 1995 to 2003 and the coding of issues followed the classification system developed in the “Policy Agendas Project” (Baumgartner and Jones 1993).

Izquierda peronista, clase obrera y violencia armada : Una experiencia alternativa

El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".

Izquierda peronista, clase obrera y violencia armada : Una experiencia alternativa

El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".

Izquierda peronista, clase obrera y violencia armada : Una experiencia alternativa

El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".