921 resultados para excluded socio-political movements


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In the four Parts of Gulliver’s Travels the narrator attends closely to the manual skills, crafts and techniques of the different countries visited and to the materials and instruments by which they are mediated. The patterned, motif-like presentation of these observations and their rich contextual background, historical and literary, indicate their special significance. These references to technique play an important, previously underappreciated roll in Gulliver. They form a thematic connection between its embodied, sensual, compulsive descriptions of the world and its socio-political satire, the latter focusing on technocratic, professionalized statecraft. They are crucial to the peculiar fullness with which Swift’s writing imagines different communities of practice, different ecologies of mind.

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Around AD 1000, the southern Brazilian highlands witnessed a convergence of phenomena: climatic change, the abrupt expansion of Araucaria forest and the appearance of large pit-houses and monumental mound and enclosure complexes, which signal fundamental socio-political and ideological change amongst southern proto-Jê (SPJ) groups. These developments raise intriguing questions regarding the relationships between people, vegetation and climate over the last 2000 years.

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At the beginning of the Medieval Climate Anomaly, in the ninth and tenth century, the medieval eastern Roman empire, more usually known as Byzantium, was recovering from its early medieval crisis and experiencing favourable climatic conditions for the agricultural and demographic growth. Although in the Balkans and Anatolia such favourable climate conditions were prevalent during the eleventh century, parts of the imperial territories were facing significant challenges as a result of external political/military pressure. The apogee of medieval Byzantine socio-economic development, around AD 1150, coincides with a period of adverse climatic conditions for its economy, so it becomes obvious that the winter dryness and high climate variability at this time did not hinder Byzantine society and economy from achieving that level of expansion. Soon after this peak, towards the end of the twelfth century, the populations of the Byzantine world were experiencing unusual climatic conditions with marked dryness and cooler phases. The weakened Byzantine socio-political system must have contributed to the events leading to the fall of Constantinople in AD 1204 and the sack of the city. The final collapse of the Byzantine political control over western Anatolia took place half century later, thus contemporaneous with the strong cooling effect after a tropical volcanic eruption in AD 1257. We suggest that, regardless of a range of other influential factors, climate change was also an important contributing factor to the socio-economic changes that took place in Byzantium during the Medieval Climate Anomaly. Crucially, therefore, while the relatively sophisticated and complex Byzantine society was certainly influenced by climatic conditions, and while it nevertheless displayed a significant degree of resilience, external pressures as well as tensions within the Byzantine society more broadly contributed to an increasing vulnerability in respect of climate impacts. Our interdisciplinary analysis is based on all available sources of information on the climate and society of Byzantium, that is textual (documentary), archaeological, environmental, climate and climate model-based evidence about the nature and extent of climate variability in the eastern Mediterranean. The key challenge was, therefore, to assess the relative influence to be ascribed to climate variability and change on the one hand, and on the other to the anthropogenic factors in the evolution of Byzantine state and society (such as invasions, changes in international or regional market demand and patterns of production and consumption, etc.). The focus of this interdisciplinary

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In the era of globalization, countries compete with each other for attention, respect and trust of potential consumers, investors, tourists, media and governments of other nations. Branding is the most powerful tool that a nation can utilize for effective differentiation strategies and for creating competitive advantage over other nations. Unfortunately, not every nations or destination marketers have a broad understanding of the concept of branding and how a country can be successfully branded. Hence, this study has proposed a model that could be used as a valuable guide for country branding. Also the model is recommended for countries struggling with image crisis; on the mission to improve the image internationally. Nigeria is a good example of countries with image crisis; it is one of the most populated countries in the world with a population of about 160 million inhabitants and growth rate of 2.553percent annually. Despite the abundant resources (e.g. coal, petroleum, natural gas etc.) that the nation is endowed with, it is quite disappointing that the population below poverty line is still at the alarming rate of 70percent of the total population. The mismanagement and poor leadership of the nation characterised by corruption, fraud, embezzlement of public fund etc. has culminated into serious image crisis that is slowing down the potential for investment and economic growth. However, there has been series of image rebranding campaigns but no tangible achievement has been recorded. It is quite questionable though, if image rebranding will provide the kind of future that Nigeria envisaged, considering the socio-political situation and the economic imbalance; compounded by the obvious fact that the nation has no known brand. Therefore, this paper argues that there is need to redirect the effort invested on image rebranding to the creation of a unique and competitive brand for the country. It was established from the study that a nation’s brand is capable of improving the reputation of the nation as well as stimulate the expectation of the target audience. However, it was also established from the study that a wrong approach to branding could mislead the target audience and attract negative publicity. Hence, as a contribution of the study to the field of branding, a model was proposed as a functional guide for country branding. Also, considering the abysmal performance of Nigeria’s image in the international community and to strengthen the argument that brand creation is required for the country; an experimental application of the proposed model was conducted using Nigeria as the case country. The first phase of the model suggested a major improvement in the society; this is required to further enhance the strengths of the country and to motivate the much needed community participation and confidence in the brand creation. It is the conclusion of the study that a strong nation brand can offset the image problem if it is built on something concrete, genuine, and uniquely identifiable with the country, capable of connecting to the cognitive psychology of the target audience.

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Biopolitics, Civil Society and Political Eschatology: Foucault’s distrust in the population’s inherent forces Michel Foucault’s scepticism toward discourses on the organic vitality of populations is not only explainable by his attention to the dark ‘underside of biopolitics – the risks of persecution of individuals, who threaten the population’s vitality from the inside. Moreover, it should be understood in light of Foucault’s acute sensitivity to the deep-seated, conflict-ridden nature of the population in terms of its inherent potential for cultural clashes, violent struggles, suspicions, hatred, or, in short, the perpetual conflicts of civil society. Foucault’s work led him to a position of ambiguous support for the state and to a more evident distrust in the forces of the population. He used the term “political eschatologies” about antipolitical visions that pronounce the end of politics in a final accord where social contradictions dissolve and the community will prevail over the state. Foucault played on the religious significations of the term, especially in regard to the religious, fanatic rejection of the duality between state and civil society, a rejection that rests on the belief in a completion of historical and political time and the final salvation of all in “the city of God”. The article demonstrates Foucault’s highly ambiguous view of civil society, it examines his discussion Ferguson’s work on civil society, and it considers Foucault’s use of the term “political eschatologies” to indicate the dangers of extreme, anti-state, political movements. It challenges the image of Foucault as an unequivocal proponent of grass roots and identity politics.  

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A presente dissertação tem por objetivo estudar como o rádio foi usado, entre 1930 e 1945, pelo governo Vargas e o diálogo entre o poder e seus profissionais. Nesta fase, o meio radiofônico foi regulamentado e recebeu incentivos do poder público para seu desenvolvimento técnico, comercial e profissional. Este trabalho busca entender como a programação era desenvolvida pelos radialistas e se estes sofriam interferência governamental. A pesquisa procura ainda verificar de que maneira seus profissionais interagiam como movimentos sociais e políticos ocorridos no período e como esses fatos foram tratados por este veículo. O estudo foi fundamentado em pesquisa bibliográfica (livros, revistas, jornais, sites e bancos de dados) e em entrevistas com profissionais que trabalharam em rádio no período citado. Conclui-se que a participação governamental se deu através da aquisição de emissoras e produção de programas estatais e o controle rigoroso das estações privadas através de sua máquina de propaganda e da censura.

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Este trabalho objetiva demonstrar a impossibilidade estrutural de democratização do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) a partir da participação social nas audiências públicas jurisdicionais. Para tanto, o trabalho divide-se em três partes. Na primeira, são abordados dois fenômenos macrossociais, a crise do Estado de bem estar e a globalização econômica, com a finalidade de resgatar as principais interpretações sobre a emergência do Judiciário e identificar os projetos normativos de reforma originados. Dentre eles, destaca-se a perspectiva de Vianna e Burgos (2002), pois seu conteúdo é verificado nos discursos oficiais que interpretam as audiências públicas como instrumentos democratizantes do STF. No segundo capítulo, pretende-se questionar a possibilidade de democratização participativa do STF a partir da teoria política de Poulantzas (2000). Para esta matriz conceitual, o direito, na formação social capitalista, organiza interesses e unifica o consentimento de forma a moldar o corpo social de acordo com as prioridades das classes posicionadas no bloco do poder dominante. Prevê a concessão de direitos e sua retirada conforme os movimentos políticos das classes, que estão em contínua disputa no interior de um Estado de características materiais e permeado por fissuras. Nesse sentido, as audiências públicas, são interpretadas como procedimentos que sofisticam o formalismo tradicional dos tribunais, ocultando o exercício do controle por mecanismos que aparentemente concederiam espaço para participação popular e igualariam as oportunidades de intervenção de agentes de diferentes grupos sociais. Estas características sugerem a impossibilidade de democratização de suas estruturas. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, o estudo de caso das cinco audiências realizadas evidencia a reprodução da disposição litigiosa do processo jurídico nestes eventos, uma vez que os ministros pouco participam, dispõem os participantes em lados opostos como se estivessem exercendo o contraditório e somente utilizam os pronunciamentos das audiências em seus votos para reforçar argumentos de seu interesse. De acordo com as informações sistematizadas, o presente estudo sugere que as audiências públicas não provocam impactos democratizantes nas estruturas do STF. Ao contrário, sofisticam os procedimentos existentes para reproduzir o tradicional papel de controle dos aparelhos judiciais no interior do capitalismo.

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O presente estudo propõe uma interpretação da Psicologia Social como expressão da relação homem/meio, baseada no modelo dialético genético-estrutural Piagetano. É conceituada uma interdependência entre diferentes níveis de análise teórica e uma continuidade do mais simples ao complexo, mantendo-se a autonomia relativa, em cada nível que, com suas próprias leis, obedecerá ao sistema global da organização vital: níveis biológicos, psicológicos e sociológicos encadeiam-se, sem que se possa definir um limite estrito entre eles. Supera-se assim o problema metodológico de abstração de níveis que leva a consideráveis distorções, especialmente quando se abstrai o nível político-social. Psicologia Social será o estudo da ação que uma estrutura social provoca no indivíduo e a ação recíproca que o indivíduo exerce sobre a estrutura social: o sujeito participa ativamente, em grupo, da construção da estrutura que sobre ele atua. Frente à abordagem psicossocial dominante, empírico-analítica e à abordagem alternativa, histórico-social, e introduzida uma visão interacionista que integra como complementares posições conflitantes, sendo criticadas teorias que pretendem reduzir o comportamento humano ao meio ou ao sujeito. É proposta uma teoria psicobiológica da relação homem/meio que definira o grau de desenvolvimento atingido pelo indivíduo e grupo como função da interação permitida: se o contexto for repressor, ocorrera uma atualização empobrecida de fenótipos culturais. O psicólogo social deverá ter um enfoque do desenvolvimento do indivíduo e sociedade, para poder atuar de forma politicamente relevante. A ideologia ê interpretada como expressa0 de uma função humana mais geral, a função simbólica e será sempre dependente da autorregularão atingida pelo grupo em um contexto sócio-político específico. Como uma ação concreta sempre é ideológica por sua práxis, um nível meta-ideológico só será atingido através da atuação num nível ideológico; apenas através da pesquisa psico e sociogenética se atingirá um dado não-ideológico.

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A presente dissertação tem como objetivo primeiro, analisar criticamente os testes de inteligência e aptidões, enquanto instrumento de uma prática técnica que emergiu, num determinado momento histórico, com finalidade sócio-política de hierarquizar os indivíduos.

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The central research question was to search for data to ratify the theory and discourse of the so-called practitioners of economic solidarity, by defending the substantive rationality should guide the principles of economic solidary, designing the space economy incidental and not the primacy of relations in determining social as well, reflecting the predominance of dimensions of social management in administrative practices of ESS's. For both analyzed the theoretical dimensions of social management - sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental - manifested in organizational practices supportive of economic organization Potiguar West. For the success of the research realized the triangulation involving a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. At first the research will use a quantitative approach, from the cluster analysis, to verify the behavior of the sample chosen for this study. In the second stage of the qualitative study was carried out focus group technique (FLICK, 2002) for further analysis of the dimensions of social management on organizational practices supportive of economic organization, related to the principles of Solidary Economy, established in a quantitative approach. In quantitative analysis, the socio-political dimension, it was clear that the more equity instruments of internal and external, from the purposeful living in public spaces, the best monetary results. Another point worth stressing concerns the economic dimension, with the practice reciprocity prevailing in market. Thus, the qualitative approach was possible to understand the processes of exchange of product or service. Rural enterprises surveyed in the allocation of the agro-ecological products have the following scale of priority, sequentially: self-consumption (domestic), market and exchange. The research leads to the fact that training and practices that enhance the socio-political dimension (knowledge, empowerment, sense of belonging) become the guiding principle for the strengthening of the social management in the context of other dimensions, leading to gains sociopolitical, economic, organizational and environmental. Despite the weaknesses found in the organizational dimension and environment, both in a quantitative as in qualitative, we determined that the practices of ESS's Potiguar West incorporate predominantly elements of social management and economic solidarity, with a preponderance of substantive rationality in the primacy of the instrumental. Finally, research has brought information that the participants of the ESS's do not give the money economy primacy in determining social relations, which in turn leads to the confirmation that, in practice the solidarity economy, prevailing the dominance of substantive rationality, as a guide for organizational practices

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This study aims to analyze the tectonic character of the works of Sergio Bernardes and Glauco Campello architects, built in Paraiba, between the turn of the decade in 1970 and early 1980 in order to bring reflections about the poetics of construction s importance in the formal structure of the architecture, contributing to the debate about the specificitiesand peculiarities of modern architecture produced in Brazil. The research, using the strategies of the case study, startsfromthe review on the use of "tectonic" by Kenneth Frampton and other scholars of the term, to base the concept and set the analytical parameters of the tectonics. Then it proceeds to the insertion of buildings in the cultural and socio-political Brazilian s context in the periodproposed forstudy, in sequence, analyzesthe works of each architect. The study confirms that the expressive power of Brazilian heroic modern architecture, emphasizing the poetics of construction, sediments a tectonic culture that resonates in the following generations

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The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario

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This work started from an investigation concerning the process of education, moralization and disciplining of the poor in the backlands of the Brazilian Northeast region, in the second half of the 19th century, through the incorporation of the values of productive work. In order to do so, we took as our field of investigation the missions of Father José Antônio Pereira Ibiapina (1806-1883), in which an extensive work was developed, including the construction of twenty two (22) charity houses in the States of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará e Piauí, but also of weirs, churches, graveyards, hospitals and so forth. Given the socio-historical character of the research, we adopted qualitative methods of analysis and the following procedures: survey and analysis of documents, statute and internal rules that ordered the workings of the charity houses; biographies on Father Ibiapina and the missions‟ reports, as well as various sorts of publications on the missionary. Our study comprises his 27 year-period of missionary-religious activity (1856-1883), and undertakes an analysis on the topic of poverty, since the medieval Christian take on it until modernity, when it stops representing a value and becomes a problem to be solved through work. The socio-political context in which Ibiapina lived in the Northeast was marked by the consequence of droughts and economic crises in the region. The analysis of the documents indicates that, in the circumstances of political weakness and lack of interest for regional demands by the national political agenda, his missionary actions produced strong effects. Starting from an ethics of valorization of work, which combined modern and traditional elements, his actions set up disciplinary, moralizing and civil educational practices of the poor, founding, simultaneously, a pragmatic religious experience directed at the resolution of the problems caused by poverty. In that sense, we observe that such actions are connected to the broader process of moralization and education of the poor, but the analysis also suggests that their inscription into the social order articulated both forward as well as conservative aspects of the established system

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The aim of this study is to assess the contribution of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to the field of human resources for health in Brazil. The assumption is that this organization not only influenced the development of this field, but but that it was also influenced by Brazilian institutions and by national political movements, through the interaction of its consultants with these movements. Four projects were selected, through which the contribution of PAHO was evaluated: the Program for the Strategic Preparation of Health Personnel (PPREPS), the Project for the Large Scale Formation of Middle and Low Level Personnel (Large Scale Project), the Project for Qualification in the Development of Human Resources in Health (CADRHU) and the Project for the Managerial Development of Basic Units of the National Health System (GERUS). To operacionalize the study, we used three basic complementary procedures: a bibliographic research, documental research and an interview. The time frame considered was from 1975, the year an agreement was signed between PAHO, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education and Culture, establishing PPREPS. It was through this program that the first PAHO team of national human resource consultants was contracted. The period between 1975 and 1999 was marked by political and social movements that changed the course of health in the country; among these was the Movement of Sanitary Reform in Brazil, which culminated in the implementation of the National Health System (SUS). This paper shows the connections of the PAHO consultants with this movement and the implications that this had for the Program of Cooperation in the Development of Human Resources of PAHO/Brazil. It also demonstrates that as the program became contaminated by national movements of health system reorganization and of democratization of Brazilian society, it proposed, in cooperation with national institutions, an organization of determinate areas of operation of these same institutions. The manuscript further reveals that, with the Large Scale Project, the human resources program determined the pedagogical and methodological option that would be the model for various other educational projects undertaken by a number of Brazilian institutions with the technical cooperation of PAHO. And finally, the repercussions and contributions of these projects, which strengthened the the field of human resources in the public health services of the country, are identified. Data analysis was based mainly on the theories of Bourdieu, Gramsci and Freire

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The daily teaching invokes us to answer questions that surround the educational action, they are ethic and political exercises of us teachers, considering the responsibility that is presented to us in circumstance of perspective that we create as for our students´ formation. Considering the public school Terezinha Paulino as stage of the daily teaching which we invested, and finally, the school gymnastic group (GGTP), as pedagogical practice specifically attended during this study, we launch the following questions: 1. What are the ethic indicators present in the experience lived by GGTP members? 2. What s the meaning of these indicators for the GGTP members? 3. Do these meanings configure a socio-political dimension of the individuals involved formation ? What socio-political dimension is that? And What is its contribution to think of Physical Education in school? From these issues, we highlight our goals in this research: investigate the educational experience lived in GGTP, with a focus on the ethical elements that characterize and reflect the relationship of these elements in the socio-political dimension of Physical Education in school. To answer the initial questions and achieve our goals, we use the Content Analysis (BARDIN, 2004) as a methodological contribution of this research. From this methodological contribution we got two strands of the discussion here related: relational behavior of living and undesirable relational conduct and non-social. typical examples of good living are: union, cooperation, solidarity, fraternity, conversation, dialogue, love, trust, responsibility, commitment, dedication, application, respect, partition, sharing, gratitude, companionship, kindness Correspond to undesirable behaviors conduct: intrigue, strife (dispute), vanity, arrogance, anger, rage, fury, nervousness, anxiety and fear. Permeates the categories discussion, The group of knowledge produced by different authors, Humberto Maturana predominate among them, sometimes related to some of its main partners, , José Varela, Gerda Verden-Zöller and Sima Nisis de Rezepka. Although less frequent, we broach other authors, including Edgar Morin and Paulo Freire, to enlarge, articulate, and thus contribute to support the notes, contents of this study. Besides the introductory chapter, is the content of this dissertation: ethics: textual understanding, the methodological way; relational behaviors of living; undesirable conduct relational and non-social; gymnastics as an ethical and political bet on training human. In ethics: textual understandings, we make a brief introduction to distinguish the ethical field which we are advancing; In the methodology way, we briefly describe the implementation of the analysis content (BARDIN,2007); in relational behaviors of living, as well as, in undesirable relational conduct and non-social, we point out the meanings discussing them supported on theoretical contribution of this research. Finally, in gymnastics as an ethical and political bet on training human, we point out some possibilities for the gymnastic practice and physical education at school, as well as to think about education by training human bias.