950 resultados para cross – border cooperation


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La faillite internationale est une matière complexe qui a donné lieu à un long et vif débat doctrinal entre les tenants des systèmes de la territorialité et de l'universalité. Une faillite est internationale lorsqu'elle met en présence un débiteur possédant des biens ou des créanciers dans plus d'un pays. Puisque la matière de faillite est souvent très différente d'un pays à l'autre, l'application du système de la pluralité, retenue dans la plupart des pays, soulève plusieurs problèmes particulièrement en ce qui concerne la coordination entre les diverses faillites et le manque de protection des créanciers, notamment parce qu'elle accorde des effets limités à la reconnaissance des procédures de faillite étrangères. En effet, en présence de procédures de faillite concurrentes il s'agit de répondre aux questions suivantes: quelle est la juridiction compétente pour ouvrir et organiser la faillite? Quelle est la loi applicable? Dans quels États cette faillite va-t-elle produire des effets? Dans le présent mémoire, il s'agit d'établir une comparaison entre le système canadien et le système européen en matière de faillite internationale. Le législateur canadien a récemment envisagé de modifier sa législation sur la faillite pour permettre une meilleure coopération internationale en matière de faillite internationale. Le projet canadien C-55 reprend pour l'essentiel les dispositions contenues dans la loi-type de la commission des Nations-Unis pour le droit commercial international (CNUDCI) sur «l'insolvabilité internationale». Ainsi, il permet de faciliter réellement la reconnaissance des décisions de faillite étrangères, il accorde une plus grande portée aux effets de cette reconnaissance et il prévoit une coordination des procédures multiples en établissant une «hiérarchisation» des procédures de faillite relativement semblable au système européen. Cependant, le projet canadien atteint moins bien l'objectif d'universalité que le Règlement européen 1346/2000 au niveau du traitement égalitaire entre les créanciers locaux et les créanciers étrangers. Si la loi-type offre à tous les États une utilité pratique considérable pour les nombreux cas de coopération internationale, l'harmonisation de la faillite internationale dépendra de son adoption dans les différentes législations. Bien que plusieurs pays aient inséré ce modèle dans leur législation sur la faillite, il n'est pas encore possible, à l'heure actuelle, de parler d'un droit international de la faillite.

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El fin de la Guerra Fría supuso no sólo el triunfo del capitalismo y de la democracia liberal, sino un cambio significativo en el Sistema Internacional; siendo menos centralizado y más regionalizado, como consecuencia de la proximidad y relaciones de interdependencia entre sus actores (no sólo Estados) y permitiendo la formación de Complejos Regionales de Seguridad (CRS). Los CRS son una forma efectiva de relacionarse y aproximarse a la arena internacional pues a través de sus procesos de securitización y desecuritización consiguen lograr objetivos específicos. Partiendo de ello, tanto la Unión Europea (UE) como la Comunidad para el Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC) iniciaron varios procesos de securitización relacionados con la integración regional; siendo un ejemplo de ello la eliminación de los controles en sus fronteras interiores o libre circulación de personas; pues consideraron que de no hacerse realidad, ello generaría amenazas políticas (su influencia y capacidad de actuación estaban amenazadas), económicas (en cuanto a su competitividad y niveles básicos de bienestar) y societales (en cuanto a la identidad de la comunidad como indispensable para la integración) que pondrían en riesgo la existencia misma de sus CRS. En esta medida, la UE creó el Espacio Schengen, que fue producto de un proceso de securitización desde inicios de la década de los 80 hasta mediados de la década de los 90; y la SADC se encuentra inmersa en tal proceso de securitización desde 1992 hasta la actualidad y espera la ratificación del Protocolo para la Facilitación del Movimiento de personas como primer paso para lograr la eliminación de controles en sus fronteras interiores. Si bien tanto la UE como la SADC consideraron que de no permitir la libre circulación de personas, su integración y por lo tanto, sus CRS estaban en riesgo; la SADC no lo ha logrado. Ello hace indispensable hacer un análisis más profundo de sus procesos de securitización para así encontrar sus falencias con respecto al éxito de la UE. El análisis está basado en la Teoría de los Complejos de Seguridad de Barry Buzan, plasmada en la obra Security a New Framework for Analysis (1998) de Barry Buzan, Ole Waever y Jaap de Wilde y será dividido en cada una de las etapas del proceso de securitización: la identificación de una amenaza existencial a un objeto referente a través de un acto discursivo, la aceptación de una amenaza por parte de una audiencia relevante y las acciones de emergencia para hacer frente a las amenazas existenciales; reconociendo las diferencias y similitudes de un proceso de securitización exitoso frente a otro que aún no lo ha sido.

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La presente monografía tiene por objetivo identificar la influencia de las acciones emprendidas por la sociedad civil y las organizaciones internacionales frente a la problemática de la trata de personas en Colombia, durante el período comprendido entre los años 2000 y 2012. En este sentido, la investigación constituye un esfuerzo por develar las transformaciones en las narrativas institucionales que han posibilitado el reconocimiento de los elementos de prevención y centralidad de las víctimas, como ejes articuladores del discurso gubernamental frente a la trata de personas. Para ello, se hace uso de la teoría de la gobernanza global enmarcada en el enfoque constructivista de las Relaciones Internacionales, en tanto permite establecer una relación entre las acciones de los diferentes actores y el impacto de estas en la construcción de estrategias nacionales para hacer frente a problemáticas que, como la trata de personas, se encuentran en estrecha relación con el mundo globalizado.

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Multicultural leadership is a topic a great interest in nowadays globalized work environment. Colombia emerges as an attractive marketplace with appealing business opportunities, especially for German enterprises. After presenting Colombia’s current political, social and economic situation, the thesis elaborates the complex subject of cultural differences while focusing on the peculiarities of German and Colombian national cultures. The resulting implications for a team’s collaboration and leader effectiveness are theoretically supported with reference to the landmark studies of Hofstede and GLOBE. By utilizing semi-structured interview techniques, a qualitative research enriches the previous findings and gives an all-encompassing insight in German-Colombian teamwork. The investigation identifies distinctive behavioral patterns and relations, which imply challenges and factors of success for multicultural team leaders. Finally, a categorical analysis examines the influence of cultural traits on team performance and evaluates the effectiveness of the applied leadership style.

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Para el logro de un desarrollo sano es de vital importancia contar con un equilibrio económico en los diferentes rubros de la actividad productiva de las ciudades hermanas (CJS- ELP) y no sólo concretarse al ámbito de la 'maquila'. Si bien el turismo como una opción es viable, su incorporación como forma activa para otras regiones económicas del mismo estado no se ha presentado, de manera que la búsqueda de alternativas para atraer visitantes es aún un desafío para la actividad turística de Juárez-El Paso. La interrogante para los inversionistas y el gobierno es cómo encaminar los esfuerzos en la actividad turística que permitan un crecimiento armónico en la región binacional.La nvestigación, plantea valorar el fenómeno del turismo transfronterizo y se acomete una aproximación de las condiciones reticulares de los actores- stakeholders del turismo de la actividad turística en la frontera México - Estados Unidos bajo un entorno de inseguridad, mediante el análisis del caso de las ciudades hermanas de Ciudad Juárez - El Paso. Los objetivos específicos del examen reticular permiten concebir una relación entre la conformación de redes dinámicas en un espacio territorial fronterizo con potencialidades de alianzas, colaboración y cooperación en un destino binacional.

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Purpose Despite recent threats of economic contraction, China still offers attractive opportunities for foreign companies seeking to expand their business activities through joint venturing (JV) partnering entry strategies. Recent research has indicated a growing recognition of the importance of relational factors in JV partnering. The purpose of this paper is to build on recent research findings that identify critical relation success factors in JVs and explores these in the context of a Hong Kong-based civil aviation services company seeking to expand business activities in Greater China. Design/methodology/approach While the extant management literature focuses primarily on factors relevant to the inter-partner relationship between partners in the formation stage of a joint venture, this research takes a dynamic stakeholder perspective in respect of the relevant relational factors over the evolution of a partnership. The research described in this paper is based on a case-based study that identifies and examines the relevance and importance of uniquely Chinese factors such as guanxi, renqing and mianzi in the specific context of a strategic partnering relationship. Findings This phenomenological study provides empirical evidence of critical linkages of these to intrinsically Chinese notions of guanxi, mianzi and renqing it links these to key strategic partnering success factors identified to be trust, conflict resolution, commitment and cooperation. This study thereby reinforces the importance of the uniquely Chinese relational context in cross-border JVs. Moreover, the research findings suggest that these factors underpin the dynamic bi-directional stakeholder relationship in a Sino-foreign strategic partnership. Originality/value This study conceptually links the uniquely Chinese relational factors (guanxi, mianzi and renqing) to key success factors supporting the establishment of a strategic partnership in a Sino-foreign context; moreover, it contributes empirical evidence substantiating the proposed conceptual linkage.

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La libertad de establecimiento y la movilidad de las empresas juegan un papel fundamental en el proceso comunitario de integración. Las empresas buscan nuevas formas de cooperación e integración que les permitan ocupar cuotas de mercado cada vez más importantes. De entre las modalidades de integración y cooperación que tienen a su disposición, la fusión transfronteriza de sociedades es, sin duda, una de las más relevantes. Es evidente que las fusiones de sociedades pertenecientes a Estados miembros distintos podrían tener una enorme importancia en el proceso de integración del mercado único. Sin embargo, la posibilidad de llevar a cabo con éxito una fusión transfronteriza en el ámbito comunitario era improbable hasta época reciente. Dos tipos de impedimentos la dificultaban: por una parte, obstáculos a la libertad de establecimiento por parte de los ordenamientos jurídicos de los Estados miembros; por otro, obstáculos de Derecho internacional privado. En cambio, hoy la mayor parte de estos impedimentos han sido superados gracias, en primer lugar, al progresivo reconocimiento del derecho de establecimiento de las sociedades por el Tribunal de Justicia, y en segundo, a la importante Directiva 2005/56/CE relativa a las fusiones transfronterizas de sociedades de capital. Esta Directiva impone a los Estados miembros una serie de normas de mínimos de derecho material a fin de armonizar la tutela de los intereses de los sujetos implicados más débiles (sobre todo, los trabajadores y los socios). De igual manera, establece una serie de normas de conflicto para resolver la cuestión de la ley aplicable a las fusiones transfronterizas. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo principal valorar la relevancia de los pronunciamientos del Tribunal de Justicia y de las actuaciones del legislador europeo orientados a impedir las restricciones a las fusiones transfronterizas de sociedades en el territorio comunitario.

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Conformemente ai trattati, l'UE sviluppa una politica comune in materia di asilo, immigrazione e controllo delle frontiere esterne, fondata sulla solidarietà e sul rispetto dei diritti fondamentali e, a tal fine, avvia relazioni strategiche con i Paesi terzi e le Organizzazioni internazionali. Un fenomeno “senza frontiere”, quale quello migratorio, esige del resto un'azione coerente e coordinata sia sul piano interno sia su quello esterno. La messa in atto di quest'ultima, tuttavia, si scontra con difficoltà di rilievo. Innanzitutto, l'UE e i suoi Stati membri devono creare i presupposti per l'avvio della collaborazione internazionale, vale a dire stimolare la fiducia reciproca con i Paesi terzi, rafforzando la propria credibilità internazionale. A tal fine, le istituzioni, gli organi e gli organismi dell'UE e gli Stati membri devono impegnarsi a fornire un modello coerente di promozione dei valori fondanti, quali la solidarietà e il rispetto dei diritti fondamentali, nonché a coordinare le proprie iniziative, per individuare, insieme ai Paesi terzi e alle Organizzazioni internazionali, una strategia d'azione comune. In secondo luogo, l'UE e gli Stati membri devono adottare soluzioni volte a promuovere l'efficacia della collaborazione internazionale e, più precisamente, assicurare che la competenza esterna sia esercitata dal livello di governo in grado di apportare il valore aggiunto e utilizzare la forma collaborativa di volta in volta più adeguata alla realizzazione degli obiettivi previsti. In definitiva, l'azione esterna dell'UE in materia di politica migratoria necessita di una strategia coerente e flessibile. Se oggi la coerenza è garantita dalla giustiziabilità dei principi di solidarietà, di rispetto dei diritti fondamentali e, giustappunto, di coerenza, la flessibilità si traduce nel criterio del valore aggiunto che, letto in combinato disposto con il principio di leale cooperazione, si pone al centro del nuovo modello partenariale proposto dall'approccio globale, potenzialmente idoneo a garantire la gestione efficace del fenomeno migratorio.

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Based on an ethnographic case study in the border cities of Frankfurt (Oder), Germany and Słubice, Poland, this article explores the construction and maintenance of ethnic difference within the transnational economic and social spaces created by the European Union's common market. Through an examination of three domains of cross-border citizenship practice - shopping and consumption, housing and work - this article argues that even as the European Union deploys policies aimed at creating de-territorialised and supranational forms of identity and citizenship, economic asymmetries and hierarchies of value embedded within these policies grant rights differentially in ways that continue to be linked to ethnicity and nationality.

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Throughout the 1990s and up to 2005, the adoption of an open-door policy substantially increased the volume of Myanmar's external trade. Imports grew more rapidly than exports in the 1990s owing to the release of pent-up consumer demand during the transition to a market economy. Accordingly, trade deficits expanded. Confronted by a shortage of foreign currency, the government after the late 1990s resorted to rigid controls over the private sector's trade activities. Despite this tightening of policy, Myanmar's external sector has improved since 2000 largely because of the emergence of new export commodities, namely garments and natural gas. Foreign direct investments in Myanmar significantly contributed to the exploration and development of new gas fields. As trade volume grew, Myanmar strengthened its trade relations with neighboring countries such as China, Thailand and India. Although the development of external trade and foreign investment inflows exerted a considerable impact on the Myanmar economy, the external sector has not yet begun to function as a vigorous engine for broad-based and sustainable development.

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Ante la cuestión ¿La universidad debe amoldarse a la realidad ambiental o debe precursar nuevas realidades? se propone demostrar la factibilidad de alcanzar aproximaciones objetivables hacia el desarrollo sostenible, mediante la cooperación universitaria transfronteriza en ambientes urbanos insulares y costeros de la subregión del Caribe y Centroamérica. Se desarrolla el estudio en cuatro momentos: momento proyectivo en el cual se delimita el problema y se contextualiza su significación en el plano teórico de las sub-áreas implicadas. Fue reconocida la existencia de un problema social que, más allá de significar una actuación negativa intencional humana, revela una insuficiencia en el aprovechamiento de un potencial conocido y estratégico cuyos síntomas suelen ser: crisis ambiental generalizada; poca capacidad de respuesta por parte de las universidades ante las exigencias del desarrollo sostenible; incipientes estrategias de cooperación interinstitucional con refuerzo negativo en la atomización de esfuerzos materiales y comunicacionales. Se contrastaron enfoques y se adoptó una postura ante un hecho determinante: La universidad como articulador del desarrollo sostenible; hecho concretado en un objeto investigable: la cooperación universitaria como estrategia aún no focalizada en acercamientos al desarrollo sostenible. En la estrategia de abordaje de la investigación, la gestión fue considerada hipótesis de trabajo no positivista, generando en consecuencia la aplicación de adaptaciones a metodologías reconocidas, contextualizadas dentro de una particular visión sobre del hecho investigado. En el momento metodológico se describe el diseño concreto y los procedimientos de abordaje del problema en todas sus fases. En el momento técnico, fueron aplicados instrumentos y técnicas para obtener los datos diagnósticos e iniciar el diseño de un modelo de cooperación universitaria para el desarrollo sostenible. El diagnóstico se basó en estrategias cuali-cuantitativas que permitieron el análisis de resultados en la aplicación de encuestas, entrevistas a expertos, análisis prospectivo estructural, situacional e integrado. La construcción del modelo se desarrolló con fundamento en experiencias de cooperación previas, adoptando modelos de gestión de relevante alcance científico como referencias de aplicación. Se trata de una investigación socio-ambiental cuyo objeto de estudio la identifica como no experimental, aplicada; basada en el análisis descriptivo de datos cualicuantitativos, conducidos en un diseño de campo devenido finalmente en un proyecto factible. La información se recolectada por observación de campo, aplicación de instrumentos y dinámicas inspiradas en grupos de enfoque a escala local y nacional; con sujetos pertenecientes al sistema de educación universitaria e instancias gubernamentales y sociales propias del ámbito seleccionado. Conduce el estudio a la presentación del modelo MOP-GECUDES, descrito en cuanto a sus dimensiones, variables, estrategias; con 166 indicadores clasificados en 49 categorías, expresados en metas. Se presenta en 24 procedimientos, apoyados en 47 instrumentos específicos consistentes en aplicaciones prácticas, hojas metodológicas o manual de instrucciones para la operacionalización del modelo. Se complementa el diseño con un sistema de procedimientos surgidos de la propia experiencia, lo que le atribuye el modelo diseñado el rasgo particular de haber sido diseñado bajo sus propios principios. Faced with the question: Does the college must conform to the environmental reality or has to should promote new realities? This research aims to demonstrate the feasibility of achieving objectifiable approaches towards sustainable development through cross-border university cooperation in urban, coastal and islands space" of Caribbean and Central American. This study is developed in four stages: projective moment, in which delimits the problem, and contextualizes its importance in their theoretical subareas. It was recognized that there is a social problem, that beyond an intentional human action negative, reveals a deficience ability in exploiting potential strategic known and whose symptoms are: widespread environmental crisis, poor ability to answer on the part of universities to the demands of sustainable development; emerging interagency cooperation strategies with the aggravating fragmentation of resources. Were contrasted Approaches and was been adopted a stance before a triggering event: The university as articulator of sustainable development. Fact materialized in a study object: university cooperation as a strategy that yet has not been focused on approaches to sustainable development. In research approach, the management was considered as a working-hypothesis not positivist, consequently, were applied adjustments recognized methodologies that were contextualized within the author's personal view on the matter under investigation. En el momento metodológico se describe el diseño concreto y los procedimientos de abordaje del problema en todas sus fases. At the methodological time, describes the design and procedures to address the problem in all its phases. At the technical time, were applied tools directed to obtain diagnostic data and start designing a model of university cooperation for sustainable development. The diagnosis was based on qualitative and quantitative strategies that allowed the analysis of findings in the surveys, expert interviews, prospective analysis, and structural situational and integrated. Construction of the model was developed on the basis of cooperation experiences of the author, adopting management models relevant scientific scope and application references. It is a socio-environmental research with a not-experimental focus of study, applied, based on the descriptive analysis of qualitative and quantitative data, conducted in a field design that finally was been become a feasible project. The information is collected by field observation, application of instruments inspired in dynamic focus groups at local and national levels, with individual-subjects of the university education system; the government bodies and the social groups of the selected area. The Study leads to the presentation of the model MOP-GECUDES, described in terms of their dimensions, variables, strategies; with 166 indicators classified in 49 categories, expressed in its activities and goals. It comes in 24 procedures, supported by 47 specific instruments consisting of practical applications, methodology sheets or instructions for the operationalization of the model. Design is complemented with a system of procedures arising from the own experience. This have the particular attribute of generate a model than has been designed under its own principles.

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From the Introduction. The present contribution is an attempt to raise awareness between the 'trenches' by juxtaposing the two approaches to subsidiarity. Subsequently, I shall set out why, in economics, subsidiarity is embraced as a key principle in the design and working of the Union and how a functional subsidiarity test can be derived from this thinking. Throughout the paper, a range of illustrations and examples is provided in an attempt to show the practical applicability of a subsidiarity test. This does not mean, of course, that the application of the test can automatically "solve" all debates on whether subsidiarity is (not) violated. What it does mean, however, is that a careful methodology can be a significant help to e.g. national parliaments and the Brussels circuit, in particular, to discourage careless politicisation as much as possible and to render assessments of subsidiarity comparable throughout the Union. The latter virtue should be of interest to national parliaments in cooperating, within just six weeks, about a common stance in the case of a suspected violation of the principle. The structure of the paper is as follows. Section 2 gives a flavour of very different approaches and appreciation of the subsidiarity principle in European law and in the economics of multi-tier government. Section 3 elaborates on the economics of multi-tier government as a special instance of cost / benefit analysis of (de)centralisation in the three public economic functions of any government system. This culminates in a five-steps subsidiarity test and a brief discussion about its proper and improper application. Section 4 applies the test in a non-technical fashion to a range of issues of the "efficiency function" (i.e. allocation and markets) of the EU. After showing that the functional logic of subsidiarity may require liberalisation to be accompanied by various degrees of centralisation, a number of fairly detailed illustrations of how to deal with subsidiarity in the EU is provided. One illustration is about how the subsidiarity logic is misused by protagonists (labour in the internal market). A slightly different but frequently encountered aspect consists in the refusal to recognize that the EU (that is, some form of centralisation) offers a better solution than 25 national ones. A third range of issues, where the functional logic of subsidiarity could be useful, emerges when the boundaries of national competences are shifting due to more intense cross-border flows and developments. Other subsections are devoted to Union public goods and to the question whether the subsidiarity test might trace instances of EU decentralisation: a partial or complete shift of a policy or regulation to Member States. The paper refrains from an analysis of the application of the subsidiarity test to the other two public functions, namely, equity and macro-economic stabilisation.2 Section 5 argues that the use of a well-developed methodology of a functional subsidiarity test would be most useful for the national parliaments and even more so for their cooperation in case of a suspected violation of subsidiarity. Section 6 concludes.

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Norway is currently the only Western European state and ‘old’ NATO member that strongly relies on the traditional dimension of NATO's collective defence. It is also the only ally in Western Europe which perceives Russia as a threat to its military security, in the so-called High North. In order to successfully deal with the potential challenges and threats in the region, Norway has been pursuing a defence policy based on cooperation and deterrence. Cooperation means improving collaboration with Russia in cross-border relations, in the petroleum sector and in the military sphere. The deterrent measures include maintaining NATO’s credibility as a collective defence alliance; increasing military cooperation with the United States; building up Norway’s own military capabilities; and developing military cooperation across Northern Europe. The primary objective of Oslo’s defence policy is to minimise the likelihood of crises and conflicts emerging in the High North which could prove too ‘big’ for Norway but too ‘small’ for NATO.

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A growing body of research focuses on the expanding roles of NGOs in global and supranational governance. The research emphasizes the increasing number of participation patterns of NGOs in policymaking and cross-national cooperation. It has produced important insights into the evolving political role of NGOs and their growing involvement in governance. The focus on activities at a transnational level has, however, lead to the virtual exclusion of research on other levels of governance. It has not been possible to tell whether the locus of their political activity is shifting from the national to the transnational environment, or whether it is simply broadening. Missing from the literature is an examination of the variety of cooperative relationships, including those between NGOs, which impact policy involvement across different levels of governance. To bridge this gap, I address two key questions: 1) Is the strategy of cooperation among NGOs a common feature of social movement activity across levels of governance, and if so, what does the structure of cooperation look like? 2) What impact, if any, does cooperation have on the expanding political involvement of NGOS, both within and across levels of governance? Using data from an original survey of migrant and refugee organizations across much of Europe, I test several hypotheses that shed light on these issues. The findings broadly indicate that 1) Cooperation is a widely-used strategy across levels of governance, 2) Cooperation with specific sets of actors increases the likelihood of NGO involvement at different levels of governance. Specifically, cooperation with EU-level actors increases the likelihood of national-level involvement, and 3) NGOs are more likely to extend their involvement across a range of institutions if they cooperate with a broad range of actors.

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From the Introduction. The past year has pushed energy security high on the EU agenda, and with it, the need for stronger cooperation on a common energy policy. For years the EU member states have been driven by different reasons to or not to collaborate. The internal energy market's economic benefits have not have not provided a sufficient driver for cooperation. The first climate and energy targets were an achievement, but in reality action has been undermined by concerns over competitiveness. Being a global leader in setting targets has not translated in cross-border collaboration in meeting them. National interests and bilateral energy deals have weakened EU's common voice vis-à-vis supplier countries. Whether the recognition of EU's energy vulnerability will become a real driver for creating an Energy Union worth its name remains to be seen. The need for action could not be stronger.