Restructuring Justice: Moving Towards Gender-Responsive Programming and Alternatives to Incarceration for Non-Violent Female Offenders

The United States¿ Federal and State laws differentiate between acceptable (or, legal) and unacceptable (illegal) behavior by prescribing restrictive punishment to citizens and/or groups that violate these established rules. These regulations are written to treat every person equally and to fairly serve justice; furthermore, the sanctions placed on offenders seek to reform illegal behavior through limitations on freedoms and rehabilitative programs. Despite the effort to treat all offenders fairly regardless of social identity categories (e.g., sex, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, ability, and gender and sexual orientation) and to humanely eliminate illegal behavior, the American penal system perpetuates de facto discrimination against a multitude of peoples. Furthermore, soaring recidivism rates caused by unsuccessful re-entry of incarcerated offenders puts economic stress on Federal and State budgets. For these reasons, offenders, policy-makers, and law-abiding citizens should all have a vested interest in reforming the prison system. This thesis focuses on the failure of the United States corrections system to adequately address the gender-specific needs of non-violent female offenders. Several factors contribute to the gender-specific discrimination that women experience in the criminal justice system: 1) Trends in female criminality that skew women¿s crime towards drug-related crimes, prostitution, and property offenses; 2) Mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes that are disproportionate to the crime committed; 3) So-called ¿gender-neutral¿ educational, vocational, substance abuse, and mental health programming that intends to equally rehabilitate men and women, but in fact favors men; and 4) The isolating nature of prison structures that inhibits smooth re-entry into society. I argue that a shift in the placement and treatment of non-violent female offenders is necessary for effective rehabilitation and for reducing recidivism rates. The first component of this shift is the design and implementation of gender- responsive treatment (GRT) rather than gender-neutral approaches in rehabilitative programming. The second shift is the utilization of alternatives to incarceration, which provide both more humane treatment of offenders and smoother reintegration to society. Drawing on recent scholarship, information from prison advocacy organizations, and research with men in an alternative program, I provide a critical analysis of current policies and alternative programs, and suggest several proposals for future gender- responsive programs in prisons and in place of incarceration. I argue that the expansion of gender-responsive programming and alternatives to incarceration respond to the marginalization of female offenders, address concerns about the financial sustainability of the United States criminal justice system, and tackle high recidivism rates.

Representing Afghanistan: The United States and Democracy's Imposition

There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

The identification of child abuse in Harris County in 1998

Characteristics of child abuse cases are not well known. In this study I collected data on 70 child abuse cases that were reported to Children's Protective Services in Harris County in 1998. The purpose of this study was to determine the factors in Harris County that lead to the identification of physical and sexual abuse. In order to answer the questions of who, what, where and when relative to the discovery of abuse I applied the same questionnaire (see Appendix) to each of 35 Sexual Abuse case reports and to each of 35 Physical Abuse/Neglect case reports. Answers to the first four questions were arranged by frequency distribution to show the predominant reporter, the 10 most common indicators, the most common locale, and the most frequent timing. Tables of the age, sex, and ethnicity of the children indicate the identity of those whose victimization was most reported. In addition the relationship between the form questions and the characteristics of the children was explored. A comparison of Sexual Abuse cases with Physical Abuse/Neglect cases was conducted and the results were analyzed and recorded in the Tables. ^ Child maltreatment often has negative short and long term effects on children's mental health and development. Suicide, violence, delinquency, drug and alcohol abuse and other forms of criminality are frequently child abuse related. Early detection and treatment helps to alleviate the myriad mental and physical ailments that untreated victims present as adults. This translates into medical dollar savings. ^ The long term objectives of my research were to reduce the number of undetected and unreported child abuse cases in Harris County by formulating better educational programs and literature for medical professionals and other personnel who are in contact with children. ^

Los vagabundos y la justicia de Buenos Aires durante el período tardo colonial (1785-1810) : Construcciones jurídicas y criminalidad

Fil: Casagrande, Agustín Elías. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Los vagabundos y la justicia de Buenos Aires durante el período tardo colonial (1785-1810) : Construcciones jurídicas y criminalidad

Fil: Casagrande, Agustín Elías. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Los vagabundos y la justicia de Buenos Aires durante el período tardo colonial (1785-1810) : Construcciones jurídicas y criminalidad

Fil: Casagrande, Agustín Elías. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Política y criminalidad en el «nuevo Estado» franquista. La criminalización del «enemigo» en el Derecho penal de posguerra

La consolidación del «nuevo Estado» franquista conllevó la elaboración de una doctrina y una legislación penal que permitiera reprimir a los enemigos políticos de la dictadura, así como conseguir el control de la sociedad. Este estudio analiza la criminalización de la desviación social durante la posguerra. La criminalización es la selección de un grupo de personas, a las que el poder del Estado somete mediante la coacción punitiva de sus acciones. En este proceso de «construcción social» del delito, destacó la categorización del «otro» como un enemigo peligroso y dañino moral y socialmente, también en la justicia común en España.

With or without you...judging politically in the field of Area of Freedom, Security and Justice? Research Papers in Law, 3/2007

From the Introduction. The study of the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) case law of the regarding the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) is fascinating in many ways.1 First, almost the totality of the relevant case law is extremely recent, thereby marking the first ‘foundational’ steps in this field of law. This is the result of the fact that the AFSJ was set up by the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997 and only entered into force in May 1999.2 Second, as the AFSJ is a new field of EU competence, it sets afresh all the fundamental questions – both political and legal – triggered by European integration, namely in terms of: a) distribution of powers between the Union and its member states, b) attribution of competences between the various EU Institutions, c) direct effect and supremacy of EU rules, d) scope of competence of the ECJ, and e) measure of the protection given to fundamental rights. The above questions beg for answers which should take into account both the extremely sensible fields of law upon which the AFSJ is anchored, and the EU’s highly inconvenient three-pillar institutional framework.3 Third, and as a consequence of the above, the vast majority of the ECJ’s judgments relating to the AFSJ are a) delivered by the Full Court or, at least, the Grand Chamber, b) with the intervention of great many member states and c) often obscure in content. This is due to the fact that the Court is called upon to set the foundational rules in a new field of EU law, often trying to accommodate divergent considerations, not all of which are strictly legal.4 Fourth, the case law of the Court relating to the AFSJ, touches upon a vast variety of topics which are not necessarily related to one another. This is why it is essential to limit the scope of this study. The content of, and steering for, the AFSJ were given by the Tampere European Council, in October 1999. According to the Tampere Conclusions, the AFSJ should consist of four key elements: a) a common immigration and asylum policy, b) judicial cooperation in both civil and penal matters, c) action against criminality and d) external action of the EU in all the above fields. Moreover, the AFSJ is to a large extent based on the Schengen acquis. The latter has been ‘communautarised’5 by the Treaty of Amsterdam and further ‘ventilated’ between the first and third pillars by decisions 1999/435 and 1999/436.6 Judicial cooperation in civil matters, mainly by means of international conventions (such as the Rome Convention of 1981 on the law applicable to contractual obligations) and regulations (such as (EC) 44/20017 and (EC) 1348/20008) also form part of the AFSJ. However, the relevant case law of the ECJ will not be examined in the present contribution.9 Similarly, the judgments of the Court delivered in the course of Article 226 EC proceedings against member states, will be omitted.10 Even after setting aside the above case law and notwithstanding the fact that the AFSJ only dates as far back as May 1999, the judgments of the ECJ are numerous. A simple (if not simplistic) categorisation may be between, on the one hand, judgments which concern the institutional setting of the AFSJ (para. 2) and, on the other, judgments which are related to some substantive AFSJ policy (para. 3).

The Criminalisation of Migration in Europe: A State-of-the-Art of the Academic Literature and Research. CEPS Liberty and Security in Europe No. 61, October 2013

In the last 30 years, a clear trend has come to define modern immigration law and policy. A set of seemingly disparate developments concerning the constant reinforcement of border controls, tightening of conditions of entry, expanding capacities for detention and deportation and the proliferation of criminal sanctions for migration offences, accompanied by an anxiety on the part of the press, public and political establishment regarding migrant criminality can now be seen to form a definitive shift in the European Union towards the so-called ‘criminalisation of migration’. This paper aims to provide an overview of the ‘state-of-the-art’ in the academic literature and EU research on criminalisation of migration in Europe. It analyses three key manifestations of the so-called ‘crimmigration’ trend: discursive criminalisation; the use of criminal law for migration management; and immigrant detention, focusing both on developments in domestic legislation of EU member states but also the increasing conflation of mobility, crime and security which has accompanied EU integration. By identifying the trends, synergies and gaps in the scholarly approaches dealing with the criminalisation of migration, the paper seeks to provide a framework for on-going research under Work Package 8 of the FIDUCIA project.

Swiss Banking Secrecy; The Erosion of an Institution. IES WORKING PAPER 2/2008

Switzerland has for a long time been an important centre of banking services in Europe and beyond. Consequently, the banking sector has become important to Switzerland’s prosperity. This paper focuses on a central reason behind the success of the Swiss banking sector: the institution of banking secrecy, deeply enshrined in the Swiss history and tradition. The rapid development of international markets that eventually gave rise to a “group structuration process” has, however, progressively eroded Swiss banking secrecy. It has had to bend before the duty of transparency within the groups in order not to promote financial criminality through accelerated asset inflows. Switzerland has also had to develop a comprehensive legislative frame to tackle financial criminality, and to enter into international agreements providing for mutual assistance. This process has undoubtedly and irremediably weakened the Swiss banking secrecy. Most importantly, nevertheless, the questionable ethical and socio-economic grounds of this controversial institution could and should also start to erode it from within.

Nazi conspiracy and aggression.

Mode of access: Internet.

Nazi conspiracy and aggression.

"Biographical index of principal persons referred to in the interrogations": Supplement B, p. 1679-1713.

Reincidência Criminal sob o Enfoque dos Processos Psicossociais

Este estudo teve como objetivo pesquisar a reincidência criminal por meio de três estudos exploratórios. No primeiro foi utilizado o Perfil do Detento no Estado de São Paulo, ano de 2003, documento elaborado pela Secretaria da Administração Penitenciaria, selecionando-se dele a população de 1.280 sujeitos do gênero masculino do Presídio Desembargador "Adriano Marrey" de Guarulhos. Foram encontradas prováveis associações à reincidência criminal nos seguintes fatores: idade, número de delitos cometidos e escolaridade. No segundo utilizou-se um levantamento aleatório, através do número de matrícula dos presos, que atingiu 11% dos 1.654 registrados e classificados em 2004. Os dados dos prontuários criminológicos dessa população carcerária, que foi de 182 sujeitos, foram comparados aos do primeiro estudo. Os resultados corroboraram tendências de associação entre idade, escolaridade, números de delitos e reincidência criminal. No terceiro estudo foram analisados 30 protocolos do Teste do Desenho da Figura Humana (DFH) aplicados em sentenciados do gênero masculino que tinham entre 18 e 35 anos de idade, condenados pelo artigo 157§2° do Código Penal Brasileiro (Assalto a Mão Armada), em regime inicialmente fechado. Esta investigação teve como objetivo conhecer as características de personalidade das pessoas que cometeram crimes. Encontraram-se alguns traços de personalidade que podem estar associados à criminalidade ou a reincidência.Não foram detectadas características psicóticas, mas perturbações e desvios na sexualidade, agressividade, imaturidade, dificuldade de elaboração de frustrações. Estes resultados podem alicerçar o uso das técnicas projetivas nas entrevistas de inclusão. Para tanto se propõe o uso do Desenho da Figura Humana de Machover (1949), com análise proposta por Lourenção Van Kolck (1984). Na discussão dos resultados e nas conclusão foram retomados os fatores que se apresentaram associados à reincidência e alguns temas que se mostraram de interesse para outras pesquisas no campo da psicologia criminal ou penitenciária. Pretendeu-se buscar subsídios que pudessem contribuir para a prevenção da reincidência, com base numa compreensão psicossocial do comportamento criminoso e sempre sob o enfoque da psicologia da saúde. As pessoas envolvidas na execução da pena deverão dar mais ênfase à entrevista de inclusão para cumprir o que determina a Lei de Execução Penal, executando o exame de classificação

The Use of the Military for Law Enforcement Activities in Central America

Faced with the violence, criminality and insecurity now threatening peace and democratic governance in Central America, the region’s governments have decided to use the Armed Forces to carry out actions in response to criminal actions, looking to improve their performance. Although public demand for including the Armed Forces in these functions takes place within a legally legitimate framework, it is motivated by tangible circumstances such as increased levels of violence, delinquency and crime. Despite being coupled with the perception of institutional weakness within the security and judicial system (particularly police) and the recognition of prestige, efficiency, discipline and severity in fulfilling the Armed Forces’ missions, these arguments are insufficient to legitimize the use of the military as a police force. Within this context, this paper reflects on the implications or consequences of the use of the Armed Forces in duties traditionally assigned to the police in the Central American region with the goal of contributing to the debate on this topic taking place in the Americas. To achieve this end, first we will focus on understanding the actual context in which a decision is made to involve the Armed Forces in security duties in the region. Second, we will examine the effects and implications of this decision on the Armed Forces’ relations within their respective societies. Third and finally, considering this is already a reality in the region, this paper will provide recommendations. The main findings of this research, resulting from the application of an analyticaldescriptive and historically based study, are organized in three dimensions: the political dimension, by implication referring to the relationship between the ultimate political authority and the Armed Forces; the social dimension, by implication the opinion of citizens; and other implications not only affecting the structural and cultural organization of armies and police but also the complementary operational framework within a context of comprehensive response by the State. As a main conclusion, it poses there is an environment conducive to the use of the Armed Forces in citizen’s security, in view of the impact of threats provoked by criminal structures of a military nature currently operating in Central America. However, this participation creates an inevitable social and political impact if implemented in isolation or given a political leading role and/or operational autonomy. This participation poses risks to the institutions of the Armed Forces and the police as well. Finally, this paper identifies an urgent need for the Armed Forces’ role to be more clearly defined with regard to security matters, limiting it to threats that impact States’ governability and existence. Nonetheless, Central American States should seek a COMPREHENSIVE response to current crime and violence, using all necessary institutions to confront these challenges, but with defined roles and responsibilities for each and dynamic coordination to complement their actions.