952 resultados para Waqf--Bosnia and Herzegovina--Sarajevo
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The article examines why some postconflict societies defer the recovery of those who forcibly disappeared as a result of political violence, even after a fully fledged democratic regime is consolidated. The prolonged silences in Cyprus and Spain contradict the experience of other countries such as Bosnia, Guatemala, and South Africa, where truth recovery for disappeared or missing persons was a central element of the transition to peace and democracy. Exhumations of mass graves containing the victims from the two periods of violence in Cyprus (1963–1974) and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was delayed up until the early 2000s. Cyprus and Spain are well suited to explain both prolonged silences in transitional justice and the puzzling decision to become belated truth seekers. The article shows that in negotiated transitions, a subtle elite agreement links the non-instrumental use of the past with the imminent needs for political stability and nascent democratization. As time passes, selective silence becomes an entrenched feature of the political discourse and democratic institutions, acquiring a hegemonic status and prolonging the silencing of violence.
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This thesis analyses how dominant policy approaches to peacebuilding have moved away from a single and universalised understanding of peace to be achieved through a top-down strategy of democratisation and economic liberalisation, prevalent at the beginning of 1990s. Instead, throughout the 2000s, peacebuilders have increasingly adopted a commitment to cultivating a bottom-up and hybrid peace building process that is context-sensitive and intended to be more respectful of the needs and values of post-war societies. The projects of statebuilding in Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, in Bosnia are examined to illustrate the shift. By capturing this shift, I seek to argue that contemporary practitioners of peace are sharing the sensibility of the theoretical critics of liberalism. These critics have long contended that post-war societies cannot be governed from ‘above’ and have advocated the adoption of a bottom-up approach to peacebuilding. Now, both peace practitioners and their critics share the tendency to embrace difference in peacebuilding operations, but this shift has failed to address meaningfully the problems and concerns of post-conflict societies. The conclusion of this research is that, drawing on the assumption that these societies are not capable of undertaking sovereign acts because of their problematic inter-subjective frames, the discourses of peacebuilding (in policy-making and academic critique) have increasingly legitimised an open-ended role of interference by external agencies, which now operate from ‘below’. Peacebuilding has turned into a long-term process, in which international and local actors engage relationally in the search for ever-more emancipatory hybrid outcomes, but in which self-government and self-determination are constantly deferred. Processes of emphasising difference have thus denied the political autonomy of post-war societies and have continuously questioned the political and human equality of these populations in a hierarchically divided world.
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Le travail appréhende la question du retour des réfugiés et des personnes déplacées en Croatie et en Bosnie-Herzégovine, dans le cadre des opérations de consolidation de la paix qui se sont déroulées dans la région. En effet, la réintégration des populations déplacées dans leur domicile d’origine a été présentée comme l’une des priorités par la communauté internationale, et comme la solution idéale afin d’encourager la réconciliation dans la région et, surtout, d’y restituer la diversité ethnique. Or, les bilans respectifs des deux anciennes républiques à l’égard du retour des minorités, présentent des différences significatives. Les facteurs internes auxquels se butaient les processus de retour dans les deux pays étaient sensiblement les mêmes. Dans ces conditions, la variable déterminante semble s’être trouvé au niveau de la nature des interventions internationales qui se sont déployées en Bosnie-Herzégovine et en Croatie. Dans l’ensemble, la Bosnie-Herzégovine a bénéficié, de la part des divers acteurs internationaux, d’une attention plus soutenue à cet égard que la Croatie. Cette situation s’est traduite par le fait que le premier pays s’est vu accordé davantage de ressources financières, logistiques et diplomatiques afin de propulser le retour des minorités ethniques. En outre, elle met en exergue l’inconsistence de la rhétorique internationale qui défend des principes associés à la défense des droits humains, du pluralisme et de la multiethnicité mais dont l’application concrète se heurte aux impératifs domestiques des pays impliqués et aux autres exigences relatives à la reconstruction post-conflit.
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Le rôle de la communauté militaire internationale dans le cadre des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) s’est profondément transformé depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. En effet, elle intervient de plus en plus fréquemment dans des guerres civiles ou intra-étatiques, particulièrement lorsque les autorités en place ne sont plus en mesure d’assurer la sécurité de la population. Par ailleurs, le rôle des militaires ne se limite plus à la fonction traditionnelle de combattants. Ils doivent maintenant assumer des tâches qui visent beaucoup plus le développement de relations avec la population civile dont la coopération est un élément essentiel à la réussite de ce type d’intervention. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser l’opinion de la population civile de la région de Bihać par rapport à l’intervention des militaires dans le cadre de l’OMP en Bosnie-Herzégovine. L’historique du conflit dans cette région, l’état des connaissances sur les sources d’insatisfaction de la population par rapport au déroulement des OMP en général, ainsi que des entrevues avec des informateurs-clés nous permettent d’identifier deux problématiques distinctes, soit : (1) l’écart important entre les attentes et les besoins de la population et le mandat confié par l’ONU; et (2) la dichotomie entre la formation de base des militaires et ce qui est attendu d’eux dans le cadre de ces interventions.
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Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) have not only gained more and more relevance in the development process of Near Eastern developing societies, but they have also raised an increasing scholarly interest. The traditional civil society in the Middle East, which used to be in charge of the tribe or large families, has been altered by new groups, which are organized around new social structures, interests and goals. The number of NGOs has experienced a swift increase in number and size, and the extent of some renders them important players in the social welfare sector, both at the national and global levels. The expansion and the increasing role of NGOs worldwide since the end of the 1970s as actors in socio-economic development and in the formulation of public policies has had great influence around the globe. However, this new function is not automatically the outcome of independent activity; but rather the result of ramified relationships between the national and international environment.
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Esta disertación busca analizar y contrastar los argumentos sobre una posible intervención en el campo de refugiados de Srebrenica en 1995 bajo el concepto de Seguridad Humana.
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El interés de esta monografía es analizar los alcances y las limitaciones de la actuación de UNAMID en la defensa de los Derechos Humanos de las mujeres en el conflicto en Darfur (2008-2012). Lo anterior, para dar cuenta de que si bien UNAMID ha tenido avances significativos en el aumento de denuncias por violación sexual, en la educación y en la inclusión de la mujer en Darfur, la intervención tardía, la falta de personal cualificado y el lento despliegue ha limitado su actuación para erradicar la violencia sexual como arma de guerra. Sin embargo, la baja internalización de la norma por parte del Estado de Sudán ha sido el mayor limitante para la Misión de Paz. Este análisis se realiza mediante el concepto de Responsabilidad de proteger y el enfoque de Alexander Wendt y Nicholas Onuf.
Biodiversity versus emergencies: the impact of restocking on animal genetic resources after disaster
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Restocking is a favoured option in supporting livelihoods after a disaster. With the depletion of local livestock populations, the introduction of new species and breeds will clearly affect biodiversity. Nevertheless, the impact of restocking on Animal Genetic Resources has been largely ignored. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine the consequences of restocking on biodiversity via a simple model. Utilising a hypothetical project based on cattle, the model demonstrates that more than one-third of the population was related to the original restocked animals after three generations. Under conditions of random breed selection, the figure declined to 20 per cent. The tool was then applied to a donor-led restocking project implemented in Bosnia-Herzegovina. By restocking primarily with Simmental cattle, the model demonstrated that the implementation of a single restocking project is likely to have accelerated the decline of the indigenous Busa breed by a further nine per cent. Thus, greater awareness of the long-term implications of restocking on biodiversity is required.
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Restocking is a favoured option in supporting livelihoods after a disaster. With the depletion of local livestock populations, the introduction of new species and breeds will clearly affect biodiversity. Nevertheless, the impact of restocking on Animal Genetic Resources has been largely ignored. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine the consequences of restocking on biodiversity via a simple model. Utilising a hypothetical project based on cattle, the model demonstrates that more than one-third of the population was related to the original restocked animals after three generations. Under conditions of random breed selection, the figure declined to 20 per cent. The tool was then applied to a donor-led restocking project implemented in Bosnia-Herzegovina. By restocking primarily with Simmental cattle, the model demonstrated that the implementation of a single restocking project is likely to have accelerated the decline of the indigenous Buşa breed by a further nine per cent. Thus, greater awareness of the long-term implications of restocking on biodiversity is required.
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This article discusses the ways in which languages can be integrated into histories of war and conflict, by exploring ongoing research in two case studies: the liberation and occupation of Western Europe (1944–47), and peacekeeping/peace building in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995–2000). The article suggests that three methodological approaches have been of particular value in this research: adopting an historical framework; following the “translation” of languages into war situations; and contextualizing the figure of the interpreter/translator. The process of incorporating languages into histories of conflict, the article argues, has helped to uncover a broader languages landscape within the theatres of war.
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Laws of war have been carefully defined by individual nations’ own codes of law as well as by supranational bodies. Yet the international scene has seen an increasing movement away from traditionally declared war toward multinational peacekeeping missions geared at containing local conflicts when perceived as potential threats to their respective regions’ political stability. While individual nations’ laws governing warfare presuppose national sovereignty, the multinational nature of peacekeeping scenarios can blur the lines of command structures, soldiers’ national loyalties, occupational jurisdiction, and raise profound questions as to which countries’ moral sense/governmental system is to be the one upheld. Historically increasingly complex international relations have driven increasingly detailed internationally drafted guidelines for countries’ interactions while at war, yet there are operational, legislative, and moral issues arising in multinational peacekeeping situations which these laws do not address at all. The author analyzes three unique peacekeeping operations in light of these legislative voids and suggests systematic points to consider to the end of protecting the peacekeepers, the national interests of the countries involved, operational matters, and clearly delineating both the objective and logical boundaries of a given multinational peacekeeping mission.
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Background: Cerebral palsy (CP) presents changes in posture and movement as a core characteristic, which requires therapeutic monitoring during the habilitation or rehabilitation of children. Besides clinical treatment, it is fundamental that professionals use systems of evaluation to quantify the difficulties presented to the individual and assist in the organization of a therapeutic program. The aim of this study was to quantitatively verify the performance of children with spastic di-paresia type CP.Methods: The Pediatric Evaluation of Disability Inventory (PEDI) and Gross Motor Function Classification System (GMFM) tests were used and classification made through the GMFCS in the assessment of 7 patients with CP, 4 females and 3 males, average age of 9 years old.Results: According to GMFCS scales, 17% (n=1) were level II and 83% (n=6) were level III. The PEDI test and 88 GMFM items were used in the area of mobility. We observed that there was high correlation between mobility and gross motor function with Pearson's correlation coefficient =0.929) showing the likely impact of these areas in the functional skills and the quality of life of these patients.Conclusion: We suggest the impact of the limitation of the areas in functional skills and quality of life of these patients.
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Background: Low birth weight affects child growth and development, requiring the intensive use of health services. There are conversely proportional associations between prematurity and academic performance around the world. In this study we evaluated factors involved in weight and neuropsychomotor profile in one and two years old discharged from Intensive Care Units (ICU).Methods/Design: We investigated 203 children from the ICU who were followed for 24 +/- 4 months. The research was conducted by collecting data from medical records of patients in a Follow-up program. We investigated the following variables: inadequate weight at one year old; inadequate weight at two years old and a severe neurological disorder at two years old.Results: We observed increase of almost 20% in the proportion of children which weighted between the 10th and 90th percentiles and decrease of around 40% of children below the 15th percentile, from one to two years old. In almost 60% of the cases neuropsychomotor development was normal at 2 years old, less than 15% of children presented abnormal development. Variables that remained influential for clinical outcome at 1 and 2 years old were related to birth weight and gestational age, except for hypoglycemia. Neurological examination was the most influential variable for severe neurological disturbance.Conclusion: Hypoglycemia was considered a new fact to explain inadequate weight. The results, new in Brazil and difficult in terms of comparison, could be used to identify risk factors and for a better approach of newborn discharged from ICUs.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)