L'anno che non fu? L'anno dell'Europa e la crisi nelle relazioni transatlantiche, 1973/74

The 1970s are in the limelight of a growing historiographic attention, partly due to the recent opening of new archival resources. 1973, in particular, has a special interest in the historian’s eyes, as many are the events that happened that year: to name but a few, the Chilean coup, the October War, the ensuing oil crisis, the Vietnamese peace treaty. So it is may be not entirely surprising that not much attention has been paid to the Year of Europe, a nebulous American initiative destined to sum up to nothing practical - as Kissinger himself put it, it was destined to be the Year that never Was.1 It is my opinion, however, that its failure should not conceal its historical interest. Even though transatlantic relations have sometimes been seen as an uninterrupted history of crisis,2 in 1973 they reached what could then be considered as their unprecedented nadir. I believe that a thorough analysis of the events that during that year found the US increasingly at odds with the countries of Western Europe is worth carrying out not only to cast a new light on the dynamics of transatlantic relations but also to deepen our comprehension of the internal dynamics of the actors involved, mainly the Nixon administration and a unifying Europe. The Nixon administration had not carefully planned what the initiative actually should have amounted to, and its official announcement appears to have been one of Kissinger’s coups de theatre. Yet the Year of Europe responded to the vital priority of revitalising the relations with Western Europe, crucial ally, for too long neglected. But 1973 did not end with the solemn renewal of the Atlantic Declaration that Kissinger had sought. On the contrary, it saw, for the first time, the countries of the newly enlarged EC engaged in a real, if short-lived, solidarity on foreign policy, which highlighted the Nixon administration’s contradictions regarding European integration. Those, in addition to the numerous tensions that already strained transatlantic relations, gave birth to a downward spiral of incomprehensions and misperceptions, which the unexpected deflagration of the October war seriously worsened. However, even though the tensions did not disappear, the European front soon started to disintegrate, mainly under the strains imposed by the oil crisis. Significant changes in the leadership of the main European countries helped to get the tones back to normal. During the course of 1974-5, the substantial failure of the Euro-Arab dialogue, the Gymlich compromise, frequent and serene bilateral meetings bear witness that the worst was over.

1963-1968. Dall'avvento dell'amministrazione di Lyndon B. Johnson al Trattato di Non-Proliferazione. gli Stati Uniti, la Francia, la NATO e l'Europa agli esordi della distensione. Storia di una "non-crisi" transatlantica e della riorganizzazione dell'Alleanza.

The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.

Mineral dust mobilisation, transport, and deposition in different climate epochs

Mineral dust is an important component of the Earth's climate system and provides essential nutrientsrnto oceans and rain forests. During atmospheric transport, dust particles directly and indirectly influencernweather and climate. The strength of dust sources and characteristics of the transport, in turn, mightrnbe subject to climatic changes. Earth system models help for a better understanding of these complexrnmechanisms.rnrnThis thesis applies the global climate model ECHAM5/MESSy Atmospheric Chemistry (EMAC) for simulationsrnof the mineral dust cycle under different climatic conditions. The prerequisite for suitable modelrnresults is the determination of the model setup reproducing the most realistic dust cycle in the recentrnclimate. Simulations with this setup are used to gain new insights into properties of the transatlanticrndust transport from Africa to the Americas and adaptations of the model's climate forcing factors allowrnfor investigations of the impact of climatic changes on the dust cycle.rnrnIn the first part, the most appropriate model setup is determined through a number of sensitivity experiments.rnIt uses the dust emission parametrisation from Tegen et al. 2002 and a spectral resolutionrnof T85, corresponding to a horizontal grid spacing of about 155 km. Coarser resolutions are not able tornaccurately reproduce emissions from important source regions such as the Bodele Depression in Chad orrnthe Taklamakan Desert in Central Asia. Furthermore, the representation of ageing and wet deposition ofrndust particles in the model requires a basic sulphur chemical mechanism. This setup is recommended forrnfuture simulations with EMAC focusing on mineral dust.rnrnOne major branch of the global dust cycle is the long-range transport from the world's largest dustrnsource, the Sahara, across the Atlantic Ocean. Seasonal variations of the main transport pathways to thernAmazon Basin in boreal winter and to the Caribbean during summer are well known and understood,rnand corroborated in this thesis. Both Eulerian and Lagrangian methods give estimates on the typicalrntransport times from the source regions to the deposition on the order of nine to ten days. Previously, arnhuge proportion of the dust transported across the Atlantic Ocean has been attributed to emissions fromrnthe Bodele Depression. However, the contribution of this hot spot to the total transport is very low inrnthe present results, although the overall emissions from this region are comparable. Both model resultsrnand data sets analysed earlier, such as satellite products, involve uncertainties and this controversy aboutrndust transport from the Bodele Depression calls for future investigations and clarification.rnrnAforementioned characteristics of the transatlantic dust transport just slightly change in simulationsrnrepresenting climatic conditions of the Little Ice Age in the middle of the last millennium with meanrnnear-surface cooling of 0.5 to 1 K. However, intensification of the West African summer monsoon duringrnthe Little Ice Age is associated with higher dust emissions from North African source regions and wetterrnconditions in the Sahel. Furthermore, the Indian Monsoon and dust emissions from the Arabian Peninsula,rnwhich are affected by this circulation, are intensified during the Little Ice Age, whereas the annual globalrndust budget is similar in both climate epochs. Simulated dust emission fluxes are particularly influencedrnby the surface parameters. Modifications of the model do not affect those in this thesis, to be able tornascribe all differences in the results to changed forcing factors, such as greenhouse gas concentrations.rnDue to meagre comparison data sets, the verification of results presented here is problematic. Deeperrnknowledge about the dust cycle during the Little Ice Age can be obtained by future simulations, based onrnthis work, and additionally using improved reconstructions of surface parameters. Better evaluation ofrnsuch simulations would be possible by refining the temporal resolution of reconstructed dust depositionrnfluxes from existing ice and marine sediment cores.

The Role of Fraternal Organisation in Migration and Informal Labour Organisations in Mining Communities: Cornwall, the Keweenaw, and California Compared

During the second half of the nineteenth century fraternal and benevolent associations of numerous descriptions grew and prospered in mining communities everywhere. They played an important, but neglected role, in assisting transatlantic migration and movement between mining districts as well as building social capital within emerging mining communities. They helped to build bridges between different ethnic communities, provided conduits between labour and management, and networked miners into the non-mining community. Their influence spread beyond the adult males that made up most of their membership to their wives and families and provided levels of social and economic support otherwise unobtainable at that time. Of course, the influence of these organisations could also be divisive where certain groups or religions were excluded and they may have worked to exacerbate, as much as ameliorate, the problems of community development. This paper will examine some of these issues by looking particularly at the role of Freemasonry and Oddfellowry in Cornwall, Calumet, and Nevada City between 1860 and 1900. Work on fraternity in the Keweenaw was undertaken in Houghton some years ago with a grant from the Copper Country Archive and has since been continued by privately funded research in California and other Western mining states. Some British aspects of this research can be found in my article on mining industrial relations in Labour History Review April 2006