Entre la autonomía y la voluntad de poder : El proyecto de intervención a la provincia de Buenos Aires y la ruptura del Partido Socialista en 1927

Este artículo analiza el proceso que, en 1927, desemboca en la ruptura del Partido Socialista (PS) y el nacimiento del Partido Socialista Independiente. Subraya que el contraste entre la importancia numérica de la representación socialista y su escasa incidencia política fue uno de los factores que alentaron tal ruptura. El trabajo describe el surgimiento de una tendencia disidente en torno a la figura de Antonio de Tomaso, y reconstruye las posiciones que el PS sostuvo en torno a las intervenciones provinciales. Aborda luego la propuesta de intervención a la Provincia de Buenos Aires de 1927, y explica cómo el retiro de esta propuesta desencadenó la ruptura de quienes insistían con mantener un proyecto que parecía colocar al Partido Socialista en el centro de la escena política. Finalmente plantea algunas hipótesis acerca del lugar que el PS ocupó en la política argentina de los años 20'

Los socialistas y la Revolución Libertadora. La Vanguardia y los fusilamientos de junio de 1956

El presente trabajo tiene por objeto el estudio del comportamiento que adoptó el partido Socialista argentino frente a la Revolución Libertadora. Asimismo, el análisis de la postura que tuvo el periódico La Vanguardia, órgano oficial de aquel, acerca de uno de los acontecimientos emblemáticos del mencionado gobierno de facto, como lo fue el fusilamiento de militares y civiles que participaron de la sublevación de junio de 1956. Se verá, en primer término, cómo los socialistas caracterizaron el fenómeno peronista, para luego indagar acerca del modo en que actuaron durante el período siguiente a su derrocamiento, ocurrido en septiembre de 1955.

The future of the Franco-German tandem. OSW Commentary No. 83, 2012-07-11

Following the victories of François Hollande in the presidential election and the Socialist Party in the parliamentary election, the existing model of relations between Germany and France as symbolised by the Merkel-Sarkozy duo is undergoing a transformation. Along with the defeat for Sarkozy, who had fostered close cooperation with the German Chancellor, we are witnessing a change in the German-French modus operandi, which was based on making confidential agreements concerning the anti-crisis measures in the eurozone and then presenting ready-made solutions to other EU members (as in the case of the successive versions of the document currently known as the fiscal pact). However, a conflict in bilateral relations, which would mean a total breakdown of the Franco-German engine, is rather unlikely. In fact, François Hollande’s proposals have diminished the appearance of the two states’ exceptional compatibility, and have restored the specific relationship affected by the natural rivalry between two states, who because of their economies’ different orientation have divergent interests. Nevertheless, both sides are destined to reach a compromise, as neither can attain its goals in the face of the other’s opposition. In the long term, Hollande is likely to maintain a common front with Germany in fighting the crisis, while at the same time trying (with his allies from the south of the EU) to limit Berlin’s political and economic superiority.

Western clarion.

Description based on: No. 535 (July 10, 1909).

The reason for socialism,

Mode of access: Internet.

British and European influences on the "Australian Way" from the 1980s

Commonwealth countries share their British social policy legacy in a variety of ways. Autstralia attempted to adopt the postwar new Fabian welfare state model at the very time when international economic circumstances undermined its Keynesian foundation. With Labor governments in power from 1983 to 1996, Australia diverged significantly from the neo-liberal reform path adopted in the United Kingdom. Australian governments looked increasingly to European social democracies for alternative social policy model In a manner anticipating the Third Way. the tendency was towards mixing neo-liberal economics with social democratic welfare. The Australian Third Way which resulted proved unstable. Current social reformers, the paper proposes, ought to revisit a neglected but characteristically British emphasis on the need for a measure of socialization of investment to underpin redistributive strategies.

The Presidents in the French Fifth Republic

This volume brings together French and British scholars of France to analyse one of French politics' most intellectually compelling phenomena, the presidency of the republic. It examines the strengths and weaknesses of that leadership as well as the way that executive power has been established in the Fifth Republic; how presidential power and the subsequent full scale development of 'personality politics' developed within an essentially party-driven, democratic and, most importantly, republican system. Hence the authors in this volume examine the phenomenon of a strong presidency in the French republican framework. The individual chapters focus on the presidency and upon the individual presidents and the way in which they have addressed their own relation to the presidencies they presided over on top of a range of other factors informing their terms of office. A conclusion sums up and appraises the contemporary role of the French presidency within the party system and the republic. The project has generated a great deal of interest in the French political studies community.

Caught in the conundrum: neoliberalism and education in post-conflict Northern Ireland: Exploring Shared Education

Northern Ireland (NI) is emerging from a violent period in its troubled history and remains a
society characterized by segregation between its two main communities. Nowhere is this more
apparent than in education, where for the most part Catholic and Protestant pupils are
educated separately. During the last 30 years there has been a twofold pressure placed on the
education system in NI - at one level to respond to intergroup tensions by promoting
reconciliation, and at another, to deal with national policy demands derived from a global neoliberalist
economic agenda. With reference to current efforts to promote shared education
between separate schools, we explore the uneasy dynamic between a school-based
reconciliation programme in a transitioning society and system-wide values that are driven by
neo-liberalism and its organizational manifestation - new managerialism. We argue that whilst
the former seeks to promote social democratic ideals in education that can have a potentially
transformative effect at societal level, neoliberal priorities have the potential to both subvert
shared education and also to embed it.

Hans Siebert - zur erziehungsgeschichtlichen Spur eines emigrierten politischen Pädagogen

Hans Siebert war als exponierter SED-Funktionär der wirkungsstärkste Vertreter stalinistischer Erziehungsauffassungen in der SBZ und frühen DDR. Die nachstehende biographische Recherche erhellt insbesondere die Entstehungsgeschichte seiner Auffassungen im englischen Exil. Dabei wird den bislang kaum beachteten Erziehungs- und Schulungsunternehmungen der KPD nachgegangen. Es wird deutlich, daß Siebert, der besonders eng an sowjetische Vorbilder gebunden war, nur bis in die fünfziger Jahre tatsächlich Einfluß auf die Bildungspolitik hatte und danach in eine Außenseiterposition geriet. (DIPF/Orig.)

Réconcilier universalisme et ciblage : l’évolution du paradoxe de la redistribution depuis la fin des années 1980

Le Paradoxe de la redistribution de Walter Korpi et Joakim Palme (1998) postule que les États-providences qui ont des dépenses sociales moins ciblées redistribuent davantage. Ive Marx, Lina Salanauskaite et Gerlinde Verbist (2013) ont toutefois constaté que le paradoxe démontré grâce à une corrélation entre un indice de redistribution et un indice de ciblage des dépenses sociales n'était plus valide dans les années 2000. En reproduisant les corrélations, il apparaît que l'augmentation importante du ciblage dans des pays qui redistribuent beaucoup comme le Danemark et la Suède est la principale cause de la disparition de la corrélation entre redistribution et ciblage. Lors des crises économiques dans les années 1980 et 1990, les prestations maximales déjà relativement faibles ainsi que la volonté de maintenir les prestations minimums et les taux de remplacement de la part des partis sociaux-démocrates ont poussé les gouvernements danois et suédois à réduire les prestations maximales afin de limiter l’augmentation des dépenses, augmentant ainsi le ciblage des dépenses sociales tout en préservant le caractère universel des programmes. L’augmentation du ciblage des dépenses sociales n’a pas eu d’effets négatifs sur la redistribution particulièrement au Danemark où la redistribution a augmenté et les inégalités diminué entre la fin des années 80 et le milieu des années 2000.

Réconcilier universalisme et ciblage : l’évolution du paradoxe de la redistribution depuis la fin des années 1980

Le Paradoxe de la redistribution de Walter Korpi et Joakim Palme (1998) postule que les États-providences qui ont des dépenses sociales moins ciblées redistribuent davantage. Ive Marx, Lina Salanauskaite et Gerlinde Verbist (2013) ont toutefois constaté que le paradoxe démontré grâce à une corrélation entre un indice de redistribution et un indice de ciblage des dépenses sociales n'était plus valide dans les années 2000. En reproduisant les corrélations, il apparaît que l'augmentation importante du ciblage dans des pays qui redistribuent beaucoup comme le Danemark et la Suède est la principale cause de la disparition de la corrélation entre redistribution et ciblage. Lors des crises économiques dans les années 1980 et 1990, les prestations maximales déjà relativement faibles ainsi que la volonté de maintenir les prestations minimums et les taux de remplacement de la part des partis sociaux-démocrates ont poussé les gouvernements danois et suédois à réduire les prestations maximales afin de limiter l’augmentation des dépenses, augmentant ainsi le ciblage des dépenses sociales tout en préservant le caractère universel des programmes. L’augmentation du ciblage des dépenses sociales n’a pas eu d’effets négatifs sur la redistribution particulièrement au Danemark où la redistribution a augmenté et les inégalités diminué entre la fin des années 80 et le milieu des années 2000.

Seguridad comunitaria y el rol de la policía

Se desarrolla un marco teórico de la seguridad comunitaria al definirla a partir de la evolución que ha tenido el tema de la seguridad comunitaria a partir de la adopción del enfoque más amplio de la seguridad humana de los habitantes como base y eje de las políticas públicas, de donde nace un nuevo conjunto de prioridades para la erradicación de los factores de riesgo social asociados o que son proclives a la violencia y la comisión de delitos, tales como la deserción escolar, el desempleo, la violencia en todas sus formas, la inequidad de género y diversidad social, la falta de cohesión social, las migraciones, internas o externas, forzadas por las condiciones de vida. El enfoque se basa en un nuevo modelo criminológico que está sustentado en el marco de los derechos humanos, la seguridad humana y el modelo de control social democrático para formar un modelo de desarrollo humano sostenible, por tanto la prevención sustentada en políticas públicas para la seguridad humana, la participación comunitaria y el nuevo rol de la policía comunitaria.It develops a theoretical framework for defining the community from the developments that have taken the issue of community safety from the adoption of the broader approach to human security of people as the basis and focus of public policy, arises where a new set of priorities for the eradication of social risk factors that are associated with or prone to violence and committing crimes, such as school dropouts, unemployment, violence in all its forms, gender inequity and social diversity, lack of social cohesion, migration, internal or external, forced by the conditions of life. The approach is based on a new criminological model that is based on the framework of human rights, human security and control model to form a social democratic model of sustainable human development, thus preventing sustained public policies for security human, community involvement and the new role of community police.

Breaching the social contract: crises of democratic representation and patterns of extreme right party support

Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-WWII Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by (a) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain and (b) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis, i.e. economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.