Drug resistant tuberculosis in prisons in Azerbaijan: case study

Objectives: To document the existence of drug resistance in a tuberculosis treatment programme that adheres strictly to the DOTS principles (directly observed treatment, short course) and to determine the extent of drug resistance in a prison setting in one of the republics of the former Soviet Union.

Trudy Imperatorskago S.-Peterburgskago botanicheskago sada.Acta Horti Petropolitani.

v.19 (1902)

Bulletin de la Société impériale des naturalistes de Moscou.

t.41:no.3-4 (1868)

Trudy Imperatorskago S.-Peterburgskago botanicheskago sada.Acta Horti Petropolitani.

v.26 (1910)

Trudy Imperatorskago S.-Peterburgskago botanicheskago sada.Acta Horti Petropolitani.

v.18 (1901)

Trudy Imperatorskago S.-Peterburgskago botanicheskago sada.Acta Horti Petropolitani.

v.21 (1903)

Trudy Obshchestva ispytateleĭ prirody pri Imperatorskom Kharʹkovskom universiteti͡e = Travaux de la Société des naturalistes à l'Université Impériale de Kharkow.

t.44 (1911)

Trudy Imperatorskago S.-Peterburgskago botanicheskago sada.Acta Horti Petropolitani.

v.23 (1904)

Post Roads, Central and Eastern Europe Regions, 1802 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: A new map of the post roads of Germany and Hungary with the adjacent kingdoms, republics and states : from the large map published at Vienna, with additions and improvements by J. Enouy, geogr. It was published by Laurie & Whittle, 53 Fleet Street in 1802. Scale [ca. 1:2,500,000]. Covers the Central and Eastern Europe regions. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Europe Lambert Conformal Conic coordinate system. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, postal roads, territorial and administrative boundaries, shoreline features, and more. Relief shown pictorially.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

Guatemala, 1902 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Guatemala : from official and other sources, prepared in the Bureau of the American republics, William Woodville Rockhill, director, compiled and drawn by M. Hendges, 1902. It was published by Andrew B. Graham, photo-litho. in 1902. Scale 1:792,000. Covers Guatemala and portions of Mexico, Belize, Honduras, and El Salvador. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the 'World Mercator' projection. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, ruins, territorial boundaries including Departamentos, roads, railroads, telegraph stations, mines and minerals, ports of entry, shoreline features, lighthouses, and more. Relief shown by hachures. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection and the Harvard University Library as part of the Open Collections Program at Harvard University project: Organizing Our World: Sponsored Exploration and Scientific Discovery in the Modern Age. Maps selected for the project correspond to various expeditions and represent a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

Russia goes on the offensive ahead of the Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius. OSW Commentary No. 115, 30.09.2013

In recent weeks, Russia has stepped up its efforts to prevent a group of former Soviet republics from tightening their relations with the European Union. The intensification of these efforts comes ahead of the upcoming Eastern Partnership summit, scheduled to take place in Vilnius on 28-29 November. It is expected that during the summit Kiev will sign the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA) initialled in March 2012, including an agreement for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA). Meanwhile, Moldova, Armenia and Georgia are expected to initial similar documents, effectively accepting their terms and conditions, and paving the way for their official signing in the near future. Moscow has always viewed the relations between the EU and the post-Soviet states as a threat to its own influence in the region. Consequently, any attempts to tighten these relations have been actively opposed by Russia. The EU’s Eastern Partnership programme, launched in 2009, has posed a particular challenge to Moscow’s policies in the region.. Russia responded by rolling out a Eurasian integration project, which began in 2010 with the establishment of the Customs Union of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus, and is expected to culminate in the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union by 2015. Moscow’s overarching objective has been to persuade the countries in the region, especially Ukraine, to adopt an unambiguously pro-Russian geopolitical stance and to join the integration project proposed by the Kremlin. The Russian government hopes that this would permanently place these states in Moscow’s sphere of influence and at the same time prevent them from developing closer relations with Brussels. Russia has regularly taken actions aimed at showcasing the benefits of integration with the Customs Union (particularly, by promising preferential pricing of Russian energy resources) and at the same time it has adopted measures highlighting the pitfalls of retaining a pro-European orientation (mainly by imposing occasional trade sanctions). The upcoming summit in Vilnius, during which Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia and Georgia could lock themselves on to a pro-European course, has spurred Moscow to intensify its efforts to torpedo a successful outcome of the Vilnius meeting, with a view to slowing down or even blocking the possibility of closer cooperation between the EU and the former Soviet republics.

Georgia- between a dream and reality. OSW Commentary no. 133, 15.04.2014

Following several years of political turmoil triggered by constitutional reform (a shift from a presidential to a semi-presidential system) and electoral reshuffles (parliamentary elections in 2012; presidential elections in 2013), the political situation in Georgia has stabilised: key posts in the country are now in the hands of democratically elected members of the Geor-gian Dream coalition. Despite its mosaic-like structure and internaltensions, Georgian Dream remains strong and enjoys high levels of public support. This puts it in good stead to play a central role in Georgian politics in the foreseeable future, including securing victory in the local government elections scheduled for June. However, local billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili does not currently hold a political office - despite the fact that he is the founder, sponsor and undisputed leader of the coalition, as well as former prime minister and the most popular public figure in Georgia (besides Patriarch Ilia II). This raises several questions, for example: Who is really at the helm of the Georgian state? What is the lon-g-term vision of the current government? The past achievements of the politically heterogeneo-us Georgian Dream - dominated by Mr Ivanishvili - offer little help in answering these questions. In addition to a series of challenges on the domestic front, the new Georgian leadership is also facing strategic geopolitical challenges, compounded by the current conflict in Ukraine. These include the future of Georgia’s relations with the West (including the process of EU and NATO integration) and with Russia (in response to repeated attempts to re-integrate the post-Soviet republics). The scale and dynamism of the changes in both the geopolitical order in the post-Soviet region and in the relations between Russia and the West are causing further questions to be raised about their impact on the position of the Georgian political elite and about their consequences for the entire country.