Reconstructive Dreams: A Pragmatic Fantastic After Postmodernism

This dissertation focuses on the use of fantastic elements in the work of a young generation of writers which explore the possibilities of literary development after and beyond postmodernism. By overtly declaring the fictionality of their fantastic stories by means of frame narratives, texts like Jonathan Safran Foer’s Everything is Illuminated (2002), Michael Chabon’s The Amazing Adventures of Kavalier and Clay (2000), Mark Danielewski’s House of Leaves (2000), David Mitchell’s number9dream (2001) and Yann Martel’s Life of Pi (2001) reassess the communicative value of genre boundaries in an attempt to move beyond postmodern relativity and breakdown of communicability. This clear focus on pragmatic concerns marks a shift in the use of the fantastic which calls for a reconsideration of some of the general critical assumptions about the workings of the mode. Though the relation between reality and fiction remains a central issue, the main concern shifts away from such epistemological and ontological considerations, towards questions concerning the pragmatic function of literary fiction in general and different genres in particular. Instead of dwelling on the typically postmodern concerns about the fictionality of reality and the instability of meaning, the works under discussion emphasise the constructive role fiction plays in dealing with reality, the uses to which it can be put and the functions it fulfils in fashioning our being in the world. Drawing on Iser’s theory of the fictive, Irmtraud Huber therefore suggests a reconceptualisation of the fantastic mode, which newly foregrounds its underlying pragmatic structure. She bring this adapted understanding to bear in a close textual analysis of the above mentioned literary texts, with the aim to account for their use of the mode in their commitment to a larger literary endeavour of a new generation that engages with the inheritance of postmodernism and struggles to come into its own.

Space, diffusion and mobility

Given its origins in traditional dialectology, and given advances in our understanding of the social embedding of language variation, it is paradoxical that space should be one of the categories that has received least attention of all in variationist sociolinguistics. Until recently, space has largely been treated as an empty stage on which sociolinguistic processes are enacted. It has been unexamined, untheorized, and its role in shaping and being shaped by variation and change untested. One function of this chapter, therefore, is to assert that space makes a difference, and to begin, in a very hesitant way, to map out what a geographically informed variation analysis might need to address. It also examines variationist interactions with the related concept of mobility. It might be reasonable to think that human geographers would provide some clues on how to proceed. As we will see, they have engaged in a great deal of soul searching about the goals of their discipline, its very existence as a separate field of enquiry, and the directions it should take. Indeed there are remarkable parallels between the recent history of human geographic thought, and interest in language variation across space. Although space has been undertheorized in variation studies, a number of researchers, from the traditional dialectologists through to those interested in the dialectology of mobility and contact, have, of course, been actively engaged in research on geographical variation and language use. Their work will be contextualized here to highlight both the parallels with theory-building in human geography, but also some of the criticisms of earlier approaches which have fed through to human geography, but remain largely unquestioned in variationist practice. The chapter therefore presents a brief theoretical background to space and mobility, before exemplifying these concepts in variationist research through an examination of, for example, the spatial diffusion of linguistic innovations, the spatial configuration of linguistic boundaries and initial steps to examine the consequences of mobility for variationist research.

The role of mundane mobility and contact in dialect death and dialect birth

Urry begins his 2007 book, Mobilities, by throwing some quite stunning statistics at his readers: in 2010, there were one billion legal international arrivals at ports and airports; in 1800 people in the US travelled on average 50 metres per day, today it is 50 kilometres per day; 8.7% of world employment is in tourism; and, at any one time, there are 360,000 passengers in flight above the United States (2007: 3-4). But very many of these mobilities for the individuals concerned are or have become rather unexceptional – a flight to a holiday in Majorca or Florida, a journey on a crowded commuter train into Madrid or Tokyo, a cross-Channel ferry to Calais in France to pick up some cheap wine and a camembert. Whilst much of the theoretically influential dialectological literature on mobility reports on long-distance, often permanent, often dangerous migrations, I turn our attention here to the dialectological consequences of this unexceptional everyday movement. I will argue here that, just as more dramatic and long-distance mobilities can trigger linguistic change, so too can the much more mundane movements we engage in in everyday life. I demonstrate that the linguistic consequences of that contact are similar if not the same – perhaps less dramatic, perhaps involving the convergence of an initially less divergent array of variants – but typologically of the same ilk. And I demonstrate that because these mobilities have been long-term, intensive and ongoing, their consequences on the dialect landscape have been highly significant. Important to remember, however, is that these mobilities are socially stratified and unevenly distributed. As Wolff put it: “the suggestion of free and equal mobility is … a deception, since we don’t all have the same access to the road” (1993: 253).

Geographical Dialectology

This chapter examines how linguists have investigated the very obvious fact that different places house different dialects. We will not look at the results of such work nor how they have been used to answer linguistic and sociolinguistic questions (see Britain 2009, in press). Here we simply examine the steps dialectologists take and have taken to conduct multi-locality research on language variation. In order to do so, five studies from different time periods are presented and critiqued, examining a number of key methodological elements in each: 1. The aim of geographical dialectology is to examine variation across space, in different places. How do dialectologists then decide which places in that space to analyse? Why choose one village and not its neighbour? Why avoid that city? This question goes to the very heart of the geographical motivation of the research. 2. What sorts of speakers will be sampled from these locations? 3. What type of data is to be collected from these speakers? 4. In what circumstances is that data to be recorded? Who will collect it, in what setting and how will the voices of the speakers be captured for later analysis? As we will see, dialectological methodologies always involve compromises, no approach is ever flawless. Ultimately, a good number of difficult practical decisions have to be taken – how long can this research take, and what are the financial restrictions on the project? As we will see geographical dialectology is probably the most expensive and the most time consuming of all forms of language variation research.

Words, words, words: Philology and Beyond: Festschrift for Andreas Fischer on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday

This Festschrift comprises a series of papers written in honour of the philologist Andreas Fischer, on the occasion of his sixty-fifth birthday. As in Andreas Fischer s own research, the main focus of the volume is on words: words in modern varieties, such as emergent conjunctions in Australian, American and British English; words in their cultural and historical context, such as English keywords in Old Norse literature; and words in a diachronic perspective, such as Romance suffixation in the history of English. Many contributions are anchored in the philological tradition that has informed much of Andreas Fischer s own scholarship, such as the study of verbal duelling in the late thirteenth-century romance Kyng Alisaunder. Others examine the construction ofdiscourses, such as those surrounding the Black Death. The volume, with its innovative studies,offers fascinating insights into words, discourses,and their contexts, both past and present.

Caregiver Responses to the Language Mixing of a Young Trilingual

The situation once described by Hoffmann (1985), in which children grow up exposed to three languages from an early age, is a reality for an increasing number of families. In Europe – as elsewhere – greater mobility is leading to greater numbers of mixed-language couples (Piller 2002), and, by extension, multilingual families. For such families, questions concerning the acquisition and maintenance of three or more languages in a natural environment are of direct relevance. Researchers in bilingualism have already pointed out the importance of social context for the acquisition of two languages in childhood, focusing in particular on the quantity and quality of exposure to the languages (De Houwer 1990; Döpke 1992; Okita 2002; Lanza 2004) or the prestige of the languages (Lambert 1977). In this paper, I will make use of the insights gained by such researchers and test them in a trilingual setting. The paper will focus mainly on one aspect, namely the conversational style of parents and caretakers. The data come from research being carried out in Switzerland and consist of 33 interviews with multilingual families, as well as case studies of two trilingual children. The findings attest to the importance of conversational style, but at the same time indicate that a number of further factors are also of great significance.

Handbuch Kanon und Wertung. Theorien, Instanzen, Geschichte

Wer sagt, welche Literatur es wert ist, dass wir sie lesen? Das Handbuch zeigt alle Instanzen des Literaturbetriebs, in denen Wertungen von Literatur und Kanonbildungen vorkommen - von der Literaturkritik über das Verlagswesen bis zu den Literaturhäusern und Museen. Die Ausführungen zu den Kanongeschichten aller größeren Nationalliteraturen verdeutlichen, wie ein literarischer Kanon entsteht und sich verändert. Dies zeigen exemplarisch auch Beiträge zu verschiedenen Genres, darunter zu Krimi, Fantasy und Comics. Ein Praxiskapitel vermittelt Wege der Analyse von Wertungen und Kanonbildungen.