898 resultados para Ideological genon
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In 1345, the unique worship of Saint Charlemagne was institutionalized in the cathedral of Gerona. The roots (and for many, the reasons) of this celebration are found in the existence of an old local legend, the well-known testimonies to which go back to the eleventh century. Nevertheless, a lengthy analysis of the facts that marked the life of the cathedral during the long permanence Amau de Montrodon had there—first in quality of canon (1297-1335) and later as bishop (1333-1348)- make it possible for us to verify that the promotion of the cult to San Charlemagne falls within a complex program of ideological and symbolic exaltation of the See of Girona that was designed by this notable and restlessly active ecclesiastic
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Social and environmental accounting (SEA) is currently going through a period of critical selfanalysis.Challenging questions are being raised about how SEA should be defined, who should be doing the defining, and what the agenda should be. We attempt to engage and enrich these debates from both a process and content perspective by drawing on the political philosophy of agonistic pluralism and a set of debates within the environmental movement – “the death of environmentalism” debates. The contribution of the paper is twofold: to set forth the death of environmentalism debates in the accounting literature and, in doing so, to contextualize and theorize the contested nature of SEA using agonistic pluralism. In contrast to consensually oriented approaches to SEA, the desired outcome is not necessarily resolution of ideological differences but to imagine, develop, and support democratic processes wherein these differences can be recognized and engaged. We construe the “Death” debates as illustrative of the contestable practical and political issues facing both SEA and progressive social movements generally, demonstrating the context and content of the deliberations necessary in contemplating effective programs of engagement. The SEA community, and civil society groups, can benefit from the more overtly political perspective provided by agonistic pluralism. By surfacing and engaging with various antagonisms in this wider contested civic sphere, SEA can more effectively respond to, and move beyond, traditional politically conservative, managerialist approaches to sustainability.
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Au travers d'une étude parallèle de deux femmes esclaves - l'une figure historique, l'autre personnage de fiction - et de la façon dont elles ont été inscrites dans, et surtout hors du récit historique et littéraire américain, cet essai vise d'une part à interroger les biais et les limitations de l'historiographie traditionnelle américaine dans sa représentation de l'esclave, et d'autre part à évaluer le rôle de la littérature dans la critique et la « re-vision » du discours historique. Le roman de Gloria Naylor Mama Day (1988) offre ainsi un détour intéressant pour mettre en lumière les processus discursifs, épistémologiques et idéologiques qui ont permis et perpétué l'absence de femmes comme Sally Hemings, esclave et maîtresse supposée de Thomas Jefferson, dans l'Histoire américaine.Through a parallel discussion of two slave women - the first a historical figure, the second a fiction character - and of the way they have been inscribed in, and indeed out of, the historical and fictional narrative of America's past, this essay aims both to interrogate the biases and limitations of traditional American historiography in its representation of slaves and to evaluate the role of literature in the critique and "re-vision" of historical discourse. Gloria Naylor's novel Mama Day (1988) thus provides an interesting detour to cast light on the discursive, epistemological and ideological processes that have permitted and perpetuated the absence from American History of women like Sally Hemings, Thomas Jefferson's slave and supposed mistress.
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Public opposition to antiracism laws-an expression of prejudice toward immigrants-is widespread in Switzerland as well as in other European countries. Using data from the European Social Survey 2002 (N = 1,711), the present study examined across Swiss municipalities individual and contextual predictors of opposition to such laws and of two well-established antecedents of prejudice: perceived threat and intergroup contact. The study extends multilevel research on immigration attitudes by investigating the role of the ideological climate prevailing in municipalities (conservative vs. progressive), in addition to structural features of municipalities. Controlling for individual-level determinants, stronger opposition to antiracism laws was found in more conservative municipalities, while the proportion of immigrants was positively related to intergroup contact. Furthermore, in conservative municipalities with a low proportion of immigrants, fewer intergroup contacts were reported. In line with prior research, intergroup contact decreased prejudiced policy stances through a reduction of perceived threat. Overall, this study highlights the need to include normative and ideological features of local contexts in the analysis of public reactions toward immigrants.
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Parsifal és, segons la manera en què es mire, l’excepció dins el llistat de drames musicals wagnerians pel tractament sense precedents que fa de motius catòlics en un lloc i un moment com la recentment unificada Alemanya, on la construcció de la identitat nacional passava per un model social i cultural concret i, per tant, també religiós. Però una òptica diferent ens pot apropar a una ingent quantitat de paral·lelismes entre el model artístic expressat per Wagner en els seus escrits teòrics de joventut i alguns dels elements estètics i ideològics de la seua darrera obra. L’espectacle operístic en l’actualitat continua sent fruit de la societat en què es gesta i per això Stefan Herheim utilitza una visió diacrònica de la recepció d’aquesta obra wagneriana com a un dels motius principals sobre els quals construirà una dramatúrgia densa i meditada en què es durà a terme fins a les seues últimes conseqüències una revisió en clau contemporània del concepte d’obra d’art del futur.
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El projecte realitzat se situa en el marc de la història contemporània, i s’ha centrat en primer lloc, en l’anàlisi, des d’una perspectiva comparativa, del desenvolupament dels discursos de gènere a Catalunya durant la Dictadura Franquista i a la Irlanda postcolonial. Mitjançant l’anàlisi del discurs, s’han estudiat els models de feminitat imposats pel Franquisme i les seves bases ideològiques com són el valors catòlics i l’antindividualisme. En el cas irlandès, s’ha analitzat com, a través de determinades institucions gestionades per l’Església Catòlica, es controlaven aquelles dones que es desviaven del model de gènere que propugnava l’Estat Irlandès, molt similar al proposat pel Franquisme i també basat en els catolicisme. De la mateix manera, s’ha estudiat com el feminisme Català i irlandès dels anys 1970 i 1980 van contrarestar aquests models de gènere imposats, a través de l’anàlisi d’un conjunt d’expressions culturals produïdes per ambdós moviments feministes. La perspectiva comparativa del projecte ha permès: El coneixement dels mecanismes culturals de repressió de les dones així com la seva institucionalització. Revelant els paral•lelismes pel que fa a les polítiques de gènere entre els dos casos estudiats malgrat diferències significatives entre els dos contextos (Catalunya es troba sota una dictadura, Irlanda és un Estat democràtic). La importància de l’agència de les dones i les seves diverses estratègies de resistència, especialment a través d’expressions culturals més efímeres o considerades frívoles que, malgrat el poc reconeixement que han obtingut, són molt eficaces en la deconstrucció de discursos de gènere repressius envers les dones. Ha posat de manifest, també, la importància de l’experiència i les pràctiques personals i íntimes com a pràctiques de resistència. Així mateix, ha visibilitzat les dinàmiques pròpies de moviments feministes.
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The subject "Value and prices in Russian economic thought (1890--1920)" should evoke several names and debates in the reader's mind. For a long time, Western scholars have been aware that the Russian economists Tugan-Baranovsky and Bortkiewicz were active participants to the Marxian transformation problem, that the mathematical models of Dmitriev prefigured forthcoming neoricardian based models, and that many Russian economists were either supporting the Marxian labour theory of value or being revisionists. Moreover, these ideas were preparing the ground for Soviet planning. Russian scholars additionally knew that this period was the time of introduction of marginalism in Russia, and that, during this period, economists were active in thinking the relation of ethics with economic theory. All these issues are well covered in the existing literature. But there is a big gap that this dissertation intends to fill. The existing literature handles these pieces separately, although they are part of a single, more general, history. All these issues (the labour theory of value, marginalism, the Marxian transformation problem, planning, ethics, mathematical economics) were part of what this dissertation calls here "The Russian synthesis". The Russian synthesis (in the singular) designates here all the attempts at synthesis between classical political economy and marginalism, between labour theory of value and marginal utility, and between value and prices that occurred in Russian economic thought between 1890 and 1920, and that embraces the whole set of issues evoked above. This dissertation has the ambition of being the first comprehensive history of that Russian synthesis. In this, this contribution is unique. It has always surprised the author of the present dissertation that such a book has not yet been written. Several good reasons, both in terms of scarce availability of sources and of ideological restrictions, may accounted for a reasonable delay of several decades. But it is now urgent to remedy the situation before the protagonists of the Russian synthesis are definitely classified under the wrong labels in the pantheon of economic thought. To accomplish this task, it has seldom be sufficient to gather together the various existing studies on aspects of this story. It as been necessary to return to the primary sources in the Russian language. The most important part of the primary literature has never been translated, and in the last years only some of them have been republished in Russian. Therefore, most translations from the Russian have been made by the author of the present dissertation. The secondary literature has been surveyed in the languages that are familiar (Russian, English and French) or almost familiar (German) to the present author, and which are hopefully the most pertinent to the present investigation. Besides, and in order to increase the acquaintance with the text, which was the objective of all this, some archival sources were used. The analysis consists of careful chronological studies of the authors' writings and their evolution in their historical and intellectual context. As a consequence, the dissertation brings new authors to the foreground - Shaposhnikov and Yurovsky - who were traditionally confined to the substitutes' bench, because they only superficially touched the domains quoted above. In the Russian synthesis however, they played an important part of the story. As a side effect, some authors that used to play in the foreground - Dmitriev and Bortkiewicz - are relegated to the background, but are not forgotten. Besides, the dissertation refreshes the views on authors already known, such as Ziber and, especially, Tugan-Baranovsky. The ultimate objective of this dissertation is to change the opinion that one could have on "value and prices in Russian economic thought", by setting the Russian synthesis at the centre of the debates.
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Résultats partiels d'une étude de doctorat sur le mouvement des hommes en Suisse et particulièrement sur les tendances idéologiques présentes.Results of a doctoral study on the evolution of men's organizations in Switzerland and particularly the ideological trends.
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We analyze conditions under which a candidate's campaignrhetoric may affect the beliefs of the voters over whatpolicy the candidate will implement in case he wins theelection. We develop a model of repeated elections withcomplete information in which candidates are purely ideological. Voter's strategies involve a credible threat to punish candidates that renege of their campaignpromises, and in equilibrium all campaign promises arebelieved by voters, and honored by candidates. We obtainthat the degree to which promises are credible in equilibriumis an increasing function of the value of a candidate'sreputation.
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Many have observed that political candidates running for election areoften purposefully expressing themselves in vague and ambiguous terms. In thispaper we provide a simple formal model of this phenomenon. We model theelectoral competition between two candidates as a two--stage game. In thefirst stage of the game two candidates simultaneously choose their ideologies,and in the second stage they simultaneously choose their level of ambiguity.Our results show that ambiguity, although disliked by voters, may be sustainedin equilibrium. The introduction of ambiguity as a strategic choice variablefor the candidates can also serve to explain why candidates with the sameelectoral objectives end up ``separating'', that is, assuming different ideological positions.
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This paper proposes an argument that explains incumbency advantage without recurring to the collective irresponsibility of legislatures. For that purpose, we exploit the informational value of incumbency: incumbency confers voters information about governing politicians not available from challengers. Because there are many reasons for high reelection rates different from incumbency status, we propose a measure of incumbency advantage that improves the use of pure reelection success. We also study the relationship between incumbency advantage and ideological and selection biases. An important implication of our analysis is that the literature linking incumbency and legislature irresponsibility most likely provides an overestimation of the latter.
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We present voters' self-placement and 68 political party locations on the left-right dimension in 17 Latin American countries. Innovative calculations are based on data from Latinobarometer annual surveys from 1995 to 2002. Our preliminary analysis of the results suggests that most Latin American voters are relatively highly ideological and rather consistently located on the left-right dimension, but they have very high levels of political alienation regarding the party system. Both voters' self-placement and the corresponding party locations are presently highly polarized between the center and the right, with a significant weakness of leftist or broadly appealing 'populist' positions.
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Esta dissertação teve como ponto de partida a pergunta “Como se comportaram alguns temas e mitos ao longo da história da literatura de Cabo Verde? Que caminho percorreram?” Para tentar dar-lhe resposta recorremos à metodologia comparativista, com o objetivo de analisar as evoluções e possíveis mudanças ocorridas ao longo dos tempos, a partir do cruzamento transversal entre temas e mitos em épocas diferentes. Foi assim necessário abordar a literatura cabo-verdiana, na sua relação profunda com a história do país, considerando os seus três grandes momentos: um tempo “ indefinido” que vai até 1936, um segundo que vai de 1936 até 1975 e, por último, o que vai desde essa data até à atualidade. Ao longo dessa análise, e a partir de um corpus textual necessariamente circunscrito, fomos detetando as variantes, as diferentes atualizações ocorridas nesta literatura, geralmente provocadas por fatores de ordem geográfica, pela evolução histórico-social, por fatores ideológicos que se prenderam sobretudo com a falta de liberdade vivida até 1975. Esta abordagem comparativista, a análise intertextual que lhe é inerente, proporcionou, não uma simples comparação, mas o desvendar de relações múltiplas existentes entre as obras, o corpus literário escolhido, e os tempos que lhes deram origem, permitindo assim conhecer as partes e, consequentemente o todo através do “desocultamento do oculto”. Constatou-se uma migração dos temas e dos mitos entre as literaturas dos três momentos. Em certos casos, alguns elementos permaneceram, mas com novas representações, noutros assumem significados radicalmente diferentes dados os atuais contextos da sua recepção. Relativamente aos mitos, observou-se a sua crescente dessacralização, em sintonia com o progresso que o país foi conhecendo após a independência nacional. A leitura que fomos fazendo conduziu-nos deste modo a uma viagem ao passado do país. Esta leitura transversal, alicerçada na história, dando conta das transformações ocorridas ao longo dos tempos, mostrou-nos ainda de forma cabal a necessidade de se introduzirem mudanças no ensino da literatura nas escolas cabo-verdianas. Uma mudança que deverá passar por uma abordagem comparativista, que privilegia as relações entre textos de diferentes épocas, a sua perspetivação interdisciplinar com outras formas de expressão, capaz de transformar o aluno-mero-receptor num leitor ativo, implicado numa realidade que lhe diz respeito.
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This paper analyzes the political economy of immigration when the salient electoralissue is the level of immigrants and the relevant immigration policy is the expenditurein immigration control. We consider that immigration affects voters? welfarethrough economic and non economic factors. We model political competition `a laWittman with the ideology of parties endogenously determined at equilibrium. Atequilibrium, parties propose different levels of immigration, located to the left and tothe right of the median voter?s ideal point, and combine skilled and unskilled workersamong their constituencies. Numerical simulations provide the levels of immigrationproposed by the two parties and the composition of parties? constituencies as we varythe efficacy of immigration control and the intensity of immigration aversion.
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Government censorship in Eighteenth Century Spain was another means of the Spanish Enlightenment policy. Until mid-century both powers of Church and State were balanced, from Charles III’s reign on the censorship of the Consejo de Castilla tried to control and restrict not only the traditional power of the Inquisition, but also the intellectual output of the country, either ideological -criticism on the Crown’s policy- or cultural-publishing religious Works. It is important to notice that many members of the elergy collaborated with the State in that task; and also that, after the French Revolution, the Inquisition regained its previous role. In the last decade of the Seventeenth century the irreconcilable clash between the advocates and the critics of the Inquisition became evident