985 resultados para Huguenots in the United States
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A cohort of 418 United States Air Force (USAF) personnel from over 15 different bases deployed to Morocco in 1994. This was the first study of its kind and was designed with two primary goals: to determine if the USAF was medically prepared to deploy with its changing mission in the new world order, and to evaluate factors that might improve or degrade USAF medical readiness. The mean length of deployment was 21 days. The cohort was 95% male, 86% enlisted, 65% married, and 78% white.^ This study shows major deficiencies indicating the USAF medical readiness posture has not fully responded to meet its new mission requirements. Lack of required logistical items (e.g., mosquito nets, rainboots, DEET insecticide cream, etc.) revealed a low state of preparedness. The most notable deficiency was that 82.5% (95% CI = 78.4, 85.9) did not have permethrin pretreated mosquito nets and 81.0% (95% CI = 76.8, 84.6) lacked mosquito net poles. Additionally, 18% were deficient on vaccinations and 36% had not received a tuberculin skin test. Excluding injections, the overall compliance for preventive medicine requirements had a mean frequency of only 50.6% (95% CI = 45.36, 55.90).^ Several factors had a positive impact on compliance with logistical requirements. The most prominent was "receiving a medical intelligence briefing" from the USAF Public Health. After adjustment for mobility and age, individuals who underwent a briefing were 17.2 (95% CI = 4.37, 67.99) times more likely to have received an immunoglobulin shot and 4.2 (95% CI = 1.84, 9.45) times more likely to start their antimalarial prophylaxsis at the proper time. "Personnel on mobility" had the second strongest positive effect on medical readiness. When mobility and briefing were included in models, "personnel on mobility" were 2.6 (95% CI = 1.19, 5.53) times as likely to have DEET insecticide and 2.2 (95% CI = 1.16, 4.16) times as likely to have had a TB skin test.^ Five recommendations to improve the medical readiness of the USAF were outlined: upgrade base level logistical support, improve medical intelligence messages, include medical requirements on travel orders, place more personnel on mobility or only deploy personnel on mobility, and conduct research dedicated to capitalize on the powerful effect from predeployment briefings.^ Since this is the first study of its kind, more studies should be performed in different geographic theaters to assess medical readiness and establish acceptable compliance levels for the USAF. ^
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This research examines prevalence of alcohol and illicit substance use in the United States and Mexico and associated socio-demographic characteristics. The sources of data for this study are public domain data from the U.S. National Household Survey of Drug Abuse, 1988 (n = 8814), and the Mexican National Survey of Addictions, 1988 (n = 12,579). In addition, this study discusses methodologic issues in cross-cultural and cross-national comparison of behavioral and epidemiologic data from population-based samples. The extent to which patterns of substance abuse vary among subgroups of the U.S. and Mexican populations is assessed, as well as the comparability and equivalence of measures of alcohol and drug use in these national samples.^ The prevalence of alcohol use was somewhat similar in the two countries for all three measures of use: lifetime, past year and past year heavy use, (85.0%, 68.1%, 39.6% and 72.6%, 47.7% and 45.8% for the U.S. and Mexico respectively). The use of illegal substances varied widely between countries, with U.S. respondents reporting significantly higher levels of use than their Mexican counterparts. For example, reported use of any illicit substance in lifetime and past year was 34.2%, 11.6 for the U.S., and 3.3% and 0.6% for Mexico. Despite these differences in prevalence, two demographic characteristics, gender and age, were important correlates of use in both countries. Men in both countries were more likely to report use of alcohol and illicit substances than women. Generally speaking, a greater proportion of respondents in both countries 18 years of age or older reported use of alcohol for all three measures than younger respondents; and a greater proportion of respondents between the ages of 18 and 34 years reported use of illicit substances during lifetime and past year than any other age group.^ Additional substantive research investigating population-based samples and at-risk subgroups is needed to understand the underlying mechanisms of these associations. Further development of cross-culturally meaningful survey methods is warranted to validate comparisons of substance use across countries and societies. ^
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by Lee J. Levinger
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by Harry S. Linfield
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by Boris D. Bogen
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by Joseph Leiser
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Mayer H. Segmentation and segregation patterns of women-owned high-tech firms in four metropolitan regions in the United States, Regional Studies. The number of women starting and owning a business has increased dramatically and female entrepreneurs are entering non-traditional sectors such as high technology, construction and manufacturing. This paper investigates the trends in high-tech entrepreneurship by women in four US metropolitan regions (Silicon Valley, California; Boston, Massachusetts; Washington, DC; and Portland, Oregon). The research examines the sectoral and spatial segmentation patterns of women-owned high-tech firms. Although women are entering non-traditional sectors, the research finds that women entrepreneurs tend to own businesses in female-typed high-tech sectors. In established high-tech regions like Silicon Valley and Boston, male-typed and female-typed women-owned high-tech firms differ significantly in terms of sectoral and spatial segmentation regardless of firm age. While differences between male-typed and female-typed firms are not significant at the regional level for Washington, DC, the analysis shows significant intra-metropolitan differences for the female-typed high-tech firms. The paper concludes that sectoral and spatial segmentation are powerful dynamics that shape business ownership by women in high technology.
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Cutaneous malignant melanoma (CMM) is the cancer of the melanocytes, the cells that produce the pigment melanin, and is an aggressive skin cancer that is most prevalent in the white population. Although most cases of malignant melanoma are white, black and other non-white populations also develop this disease. However, the etiologic factors involved in the development of melanoma in these lower-risk populations are not well known. Generally, survival rates of malignant melanoma have been found to be lower in blacks than for whites with similar stage of disease at diagnosis. ^ This study presents an analysis of the differences in survival between black and white cases with malignant melanoma of the skin as the only or first primary cancer, found in the National Cancer Institute Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER) cancer registry from 1973 to 1997. A total of 54,193 cases of CMM were diagnosed in black and white patients between 1973 and 1997. Black patients tended to be older, with a mean age of 64.46 years, compared to 53.14 years for white patients. Eighty-nine percent of patients were diagnosed with CMM as the only cancer. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)^
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Biotechnology refers to the broad set of techniques that allow genetic manipulation of organisms. The techniques of biotechnology have broad implications for many industries, however it promises the greatest innovations in the production of products regulated by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). Like many other powerful new technologies, biotechnology may carry risks as well as benefits. Several of its applications have engendered fervent emotional reactions and raised serious ethical concerns, especially internationally. ^ First, in my paper I discuss the historical and technical background of biotechnology. Second, I examine the development of biotechnology in Europe, the citizens' response to genetically modified (“GM”) foods and the governments' response. Third, I examine the regulation of bioengineered products and foods in the United States. ^ In conclusion, there are various problems with the current status of regulation of GM foods in the United States. These are four basic flaws: (1) the Coordinated Framework allows for too much jurisdictional overlap of biotechnological foods, (2) GM foods are considered GRAS and consequently, are placed on the market without pre-market approval, (3) federal mandatory labeling of GM foods cannot occur until the question of whether or not nondisclosure of a genetic engineering production processes is misleading or material information and (4) an independent state-labeling scheme of GM foods will most likely impede interstate commerce. ^
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Public preferences for policy are formed in a little-understood process that is not adequately described by traditional economic theory of choice. In this paper I suggest that U.S. aggregate support for health reform can be modeled as tradeoffs among a small number of behavioral values and the stage of policy development. The theory underlying the model is based on Samuelson, et al.'s (1986) work and Wilke's (1991) elaboration of it as the Greed/Efficiency/Fairness (GEF) hypothesis of motivation in the management of resource dilemmas, and behavioral economics informed by Kahneman and Thaler's prospect theory. ^ The model developed in this paper employs ordered probit econometric techniques applied to data derived from U.S. polls taken from 1990 to mid-2003 that measured support for health reform proposals. Outcome data are four-tiered Likert counts; independent variables are dummies representing the presence or absence of operationalizations of each behavioral variable, along with an integer representing policy process stage. Marginal effects of each independent variable predict how support levels change on triggering that variable. Model estimation results indicate a vanishingly small likelihood that all coefficients are zero and all variables have signs expected from model theory. ^ Three hypotheses were tested: support will drain from health reform policy as it becomes increasingly well-articulated and approaches enactment; reforms appealing to fairness through universal health coverage will enjoy a higher degree of support than those targeted more narrowly; health reforms calling for government operation of the health finance system will achieve lower support than those that do not. Model results support the first and last hypotheses. Contrary to expectations, universal health care proposals did not provide incremental support beyond those targeted to “deserving” populations—children, elderly, working families. In addition, loss of autonomy (e.g. restrictions on choice of care giver) is found to be the “third rail” of health reform with significantly-reduced support. When applied to a hypothetical health reform in which an employer-mandated Medical Savings Account policy is the centerpiece, the model predicts support that may be insufficient to enactment. These results indicate that the method developed in the paper may prove valuable to health policy designers. ^
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For over 75 years housing cooperatives have been a source of affordable housing. Currently, the 376,000 dwelling units of affordable cooperatives is equivalent to seventeen percent of the rent reduction units owned by publichousing authorities. Understanding that affordable cooperatives have been developed under varying historical circumstances provides insights on how they could play a role in the future supply of affordable housing. The history of affordable co-ops starts during the 1920s and after World War II with the ethnic, union, and New York government financed co-ops. Through the 1960s and the early 1970s cooperatives were financed by various federal direct assistance programs. Since the late 1970s co-ops have been sponsored by nonprofit organizations and by federal and municipal government privatization programs. A workable institutional structure for affordable cooperatives has developed as a result of this historical evolution.
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The Right to Die Debate is a recent but highly controversial moral matter. In particular, physician-assisted suicide (PAS) is an issue that has been evaded by the medical community for years. As of 1990, most states had never encountered the issue before and therefore did not have any laws in place to prohibit PAS (Strate et. al, 2005). Dr. Jack Kevorkian, a retired pathologist from Royal Oak Michigan was the first to publicly address PAS. He brought the issue into the limelight through a bizarre and crude series of assisted deaths that had a lasting impact on not only the Right to Die Debate as whole, but on public policy and both federal and state governmental agendas. This study focuses on the way in which the media, in particular the New York Times (NYT) has portrayed Dr. Jack Kevorkian as incompetent, morally culpable and in an overall negative light in the past twenty years. Applying Stanley Cohen’s 1972 theory of moral panic, a content analysis of NYT media publications between 1990 and 1999 supports Cohen’s theory and reveals that the media has created a moral panic surrounding Kevorkian. This has in turn led to public policy that prevents both terminally ill individuals and their doctors from having a desirable choice; that of voluntary euthanasia and PAS.
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The study compares a measure of income inequality with polarization scores of U.S. Representatives from the 104th to the 109th Congresses. It attempts to explain the link, on the abstract level, between high inequality and high polarization. The end findings indicate that inequality increases a Representative's likelihood to act liberally.