Why Moldova’s European integration is failing. CEPS Commentary, 3 March 2016

As anti-government demonstrations continued in Chisinau, EU foreign ministers reaffirmed their support for Moldova’s political association and economic integration with the EU in the Council conclusions of 15 February 2016. The ministers also confirmed that all 28 EU member states have ratified the Association Agreement between Moldova and the EU. Despite this progress, Moldova’s European integration project is in tatters. According to an authoritative survey commissioned by the National Democratic Institute in November 2015, only 40% Moldovans support European integration; 44% are in favour of Eurasian integration, however. [1] As Russia steps up the pressure on Moldova, these trends are worrying for the EU.

Brexit – potential economic consequences if the UK exits the EU. Policy Brief #2015/05

If the United Kingdom (UK) exits the EU in 2018, it would reduce that country’s exports and make imports more ex-pensive. Depending on the extent of trade policy isolation, the UK’s real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita would be between 0.6 and 3.0 percent lower in the year 2030 than if the country remained in the EU. If we take into ac-count the dynamic effects that economic integration has on investment and innovation behavior, the GDP losses could rise to 14 percent. In addition, it will bring unforeseeable political disadvantages for the EU – so from our perspective, we must avoid a Brexit.

Az európai gazdasági kormányzás előtt álló kihívások. A hármas tagadás lehetetlensége (Challenges of European economic governance. The impossible trinity of denial.)

Az európai gazdasági integráció folyamata olyan kényszerhelyzetekben formálódott a múltban, amelyek a közgazdaságtudományban jól ismert lehetetlen háromság alapján is leírhatók. Az Európai Monetáris Rendszer a rögzített árfolyam-mechanizmusra és önálló jegybanki politikára épített, korlátozva a tőkemozgásokat. A Gazdasági és Monetáris Unió ugyanakkor a tőke szabad áramlásával és az árfolyamok visszavonhatatlan rögzítésével felszámolta a tagállami szintű jegybanki autonómiát. Az euróövezet működése egyszersmind arra a háromszoros tagadásra épül(t), hogy 1. nem lehetséges az euróövezetből való kilépés, 2. nem engedélyezett a kimentés és 3. nem kerülhet sor államcsődre. A 2008-ban Európát is elérő pénzügyi és gazdasági válság azonban elemi erővel mutatott rá e hármas tiltás tarthatatlanságára. A gazdasági kormányzás körül kibontakozott viták így jól közelíthetők a három tiltó szabály egyidejű érvényesülése lehetetlenségének bemutatásával, számba véve az egyes opciók költségeit és lehetséges hasznait. / === / The process of economic integration in the EU has been shaped by the well-known theorem of the impossible trinity. Accordingly, the European Monetary System was built upon a mix of a fixed exchange-rate regime and an autonomous monetary policy, thereby constraining capital mobility. In launching the EMU project, the EU countries decided to fix national currencies irrevocably and maintain full capital mobility, in exchange for delegating their monetary policy upwards to a supranational level. The introduction of the Euro zone, however, has simultaneously meant denial of the following three elements: (1) exit, (2) bail-out, and (3) default. Nevertheless, the 2008–9 financial and economic crisis has demonstrated mercilessly that these three pillars are incompatible with each other. So the current debates on reshaping economic governance in the EU can be modelled by introducing the “impossible trinity of denial”, concentrating on the benefits and the costs of each option.

Gazdasági kormányzás a gazdasági és monetáris unióban - a globális politika lehetetlen szentháromsága szemszögéből (Economic governance in the economic and monetary union – applying the trilemma of global politics)

Az Európai Unió a világgazdaság egyik legfontosabb integrációja. A benne megvalósuló gazdasági integráció szorossága megfelel annak a szintnek, amit Rodrik hiperglobalizációnak nevez. Az elmélet szerint a politika szintjén egyszerre nem megvalósítható a demokratikus politikai döntéshozatal, a teljes világgazdasági integráció, illetve a nemzetállam. A trilemma a globalizáció útjában álló intézményi különbségeken alapszik. Megoldása három módon lehetséges: a demokrácia kiiktatásával a megoldás az arany kényszerzubbony, ahol a piaci mechanizmusok veszik át az állami gazdaságpolitika szerepét; a globális kormányzás megvalósulása esetén a szuverén nemzetállamok tűnnek el a nemzetközi rendszerből; végül a Bretton Woods kompromisszum esetében a globalizáció útjába állítunk akadályokat. Írásunkban a modellt az európai integrációra, egészen pontosan a Gazdasági és Monetáris Unióra alkalmazzuk. Érvelésünk szerint, ha fent kívánjuk tartani az integráció szorosságát, erősíteni kell az integráció szintjén a gazdasági kormányzást, ami pedig csak a tagállami szuverenitás rovására mehet. Ez, mely a GMU esetében leginkább a fiskális föderáció erősítését jelenti ugyanakkor, megnövelve az integráció költségeit, egy többsebességes Európa kialakulása irányába hathat. _____ The European Union with its sophisticated institutional system is the most important regional integration on Earth. This tight form of economic integration converges to the level that Dani Rodrik calls hyperglobalization in his model, the political trilemma of globalisation. In this model Rodrik assumes that from the three desired element of world politics (deep economic integration, the nation state, and democratic politics) only two can be chosen. We can either choose deep integration and the nation state but then we have to abandon democracy; or we can choose deep integration and democracy, but then we have to forfeit the nation state; or we have to circumscribe globalisation to maintain democracy and the nation state. In our paper we develop the mentioned model and then we apply it to the case of the European integration. We argue that if we want to maintain the deep integration among member states in the EU we have to pass more and more functions of the nation states to the federation level. In case of the EMU that means that federal fiscal policy is needed which could lead to multi-speed Europe considering new member states reluctance to give up their specific institutions.

Economic and trade relations between Latin America and Asia Pacific: The link with China

Includes bibliography

An Exorbitant Privilege in the First Age of International Financial Integration

The exorbitant privilege literature analyzes the positive differential returns on net foreign assets enjoyed by the United States in the last quarter of the twentieth century as the issuer of the global reserve currency. In the first age of international financial integration (1870-1914), the global reserve currency of the period was the British pound sterling. Whether the United Kingdom enjoyed a similar privilege is analyzed with a new dataset, encompassing microdata on railroad and government financial securities. The use of microdata avoids the flaws that have plagued the US studies, particularly the use of incompatible aggregate variables. New measures of Britain’s net external position provide estimates on capital gains and dividend yields. As the issuer of the global reserve currency, Britain received average revenues of 13.4% of GDP from its international investment position. The country satisfied the necessary condition for the existence of an exorbitant privilege. Nonetheless, Britain’s case is slightly different from the American one. British external assets received higher returns than were paid on external liabilities for each class, but British invested mostly in securities with low profile of risk. The low return on its net external position meant that, for most of the time, Britain would not receive positive revenues from the rest of the world if it were a net debtor country, but this pattern changed after 1900. The finding supports the claim that, at least partially, exorbitant privilege is a general characteristic of the issuer of the global reserve currency and not unique to the late twentieth century US.

Economic Development in Latin America and the regional integrations in the twentieth century

This paper discusses some economic integrations in Latin America, which have become an expression of governance in the neoliberalist context -- These integrations are also the results of second-generation adjustments in terms of trade openness, sale of state assets, free short-term capital mobility and Asian and European integrations that preceded the regional ones -- In addition to this, this paper provides answers to the following questions: Are integrations aiming to achieve development? Would North-countries integrations take the same endangering course as in South America? Who should benefit from the integrations? Is there a link between development and demographics?

The Road to Bali: ERIA Perspectives on the WTO Ministerial and Asian Integration

The World Trade Organization’s (WTO) forthcoming Ninth Ministerial Conference in Bali comes at a critical juncture for the multilateral trade body, long mired in the Doha Round stalemate. Beyond offering a critical first test at consensus-building and institutional renewal, the Bali Ministerial affords a unique opportunity to gauge contrasting perceptions across ASEAN and East Asian countries of the continued relevance of the WTO to trade and economic governance within the region and beyond. Resulting from the collaborative efforts of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA), the Universitas Pelita Harapan (UPH) and the World Trade Institute at the University of Bern (WTI), this policy research initiative offers comparative scholarship on some of the key questions arising from the forthcoming WTO Ministerial gathering from an East Asian perspective. Specifically, it explores what scholars in the region expect the Bali Ministerial to produce by way of tangible outcomes and whether the Ministerial will restore the momentum needed to bring the Doha Round to a successful conclusion. Contributors also investigate how relevant the WTO remains to the multiple processes of deepening economic integration in ASEAN and East Asia (e.g. AEC, TPP, RCEP) and, importantly, what lessons in rule-design and market opening WTO Members could usefully draw from the ongoing march towards the establishment of an ASEAN Economic Community.

A questão da língua na União Europeia – implicações sobre a liberdade de circulação de mercadorias

Dissertação apresentada ao Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto para a obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Empreendedorismo e Internacionalização Orientada pela Mestre Maria Luísa Verdelho Alves

The impact of safety politics in the current globalization context

The globalization is a process of economical, social, cultural and political integration motivated by the needs generated by a consumption-orientated society and a set of factors that have led to its development, such as reducing transport costs, the technological advancement and the development of communication networks. However, the phenomenon of globalization has been accompanied by increasing levels of insecurity as a result of various types of threats and transnational crimes that the International Community seeks to control and minimize. Throughout this work, we examined how the globalization process has been developing and how nations are able to maintain security levels consistent with their economical status and social development, without disturbing the normal course of organizations’ economical activity and the well-being of people. From the investigation developed we concluded that, besides the confirmation that economic integration and the opening of markets have influence on internal consumption, market globalization and migrations have been causing modifications in the consumption habits. We also concluded that the security measures implemented by States or by the International Community affect international trade, but do not imply disproportionate costs or significant delays in transactions. Likewise, we concluded that the control measures implemented in international trade are sufficient to ensure the safety of the people and nations, enabling us to confirm two of the three conjectures raised in this study.

Writing to queens while crises proceed: In memory of Manuel Jacinto Nunes

The project of writing to a fictional Portuguese-speaking Queen on the crises proceeding since 2008 builds on Letters to Queen Elizabeth written by the British Academy and was first published in 2013. This expanded edition signals greater awareness of the complementarity between economic potential and cultural legacy in the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP) insofar as its members, observers and their areas of economic integration encompass the globe. The edition is dedicated to the memory of Manuel Jacinto Nunes, who supported the project as dean of the economics section at the Lisbon Academy of Science. The cover shows a Crown with nine CPLP flags as jewels in the shape of a 7 rising from the waves. The waves of lusophonia appear far gentler than Poe’s maelstrom, reproduced in the back flap. This material, inserted in the proceedings published on IICT’s 130th anniversary, is used at NOVASBE through its Center for Globalization and Governance (CG&G).

O impacto do quadro institucional da SADC no seu processo de integração económica

Presentemente, a Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC) apresenta-se como uma das mais desenvolvidas tentativas de integração do continente africano. Esta organização passou a revestir-se, em 1992, de um caráter permanente, tornando-se produto de um esforço de institucionalização que se tem vindo a materializar no estabelecimento de metas e estágios para um ambicioso projeto de integração económica. As suas instituições, frequentemente percecionadas como sendo regidas por uma lógica intergovernamental, serão a unidade focal desta análise. Esta tem como principal objetivo a verificação do seu impacto no processo de integração económica desta organização, particularmente o estabelecimento de uma relação de causalidade entre a estrutura institucional e o atual estado da vertente económica do processo integrativo. Procura-se assim inferir se o quadro institucional da organização é capaz de gerar uma dinâmica autónoma em prol da integração ou se sucumbe perante o voluntarismo estatal dos seus membros. A conclusão a que se chegará, como se pretende advogar, não implica dimensões mutuamente exclusivas, podendo traduzir-se numa conceção híbrida acerca do papel institucional no curso evolutivo da SADC, porventura mais fiel à complexidade deste bloco regional. A hipótese explicativa para o atual estado integrativo (económico) da SADC que se testará nesta análise será a de que a relativa fragilidade institucional desta organização - caso tal se verifique - não a impede de se desenvolver num curto a médio-prazo e, pelo contrário, constitui um dos incentivos à participação dos Estados Membros. Argumentar-se-á adicionalmente que os interesses integrativos dos Estados que a compõem não derivam de um qualquer espírito pós ou antinacional, mas antes de um condicionamento histórico favorável à cooperação intra-africana e de um cálculo de interesses que redunda na aceção de que a ação concertada entre Estados lhes confere vantagens estratégicas. Por isso mesmo, os modelos teóricos que substanciarão a análise, ainda que recorram por vezes aos moldes seminais derivados do estudo da experiência integrativa europeia, abarcarão também um conjunto de escolhas plásticas e maleáveis à realidade regional. Dentro do leque de estudos disponíveis, primar-se-á igualmente pela flexibilidade e abrangência. A difícil conciliação entre profundidade e abrangência redundará numa escolha de relevantes e úteis correntes teóricas, na qual se destacam o institucionalismo histórico e o institucionalismo da escolha racional, bem como o intergovernamentalismo liberal, o neofuncionalismo e a teoria do dominó aplicada aos blocos regionais.

O procedimento relativo aos défices excessivos na União Económica e Monetária

Dissertação de mestrado em Direito da União Europeia

A resolução alternativa de litígios e as tecnologias de informação e comunicação: o caso particular da resolução de conflitos na Internet em Portugal e na UE

Dissertação de mestrado em Direito e Informática

Infrastructure Finance and Industrial Takeoff in England

That financial matters did not constrain industrial takeoff in the UK is generally accepted in the historical literature; in contrast, contemporary empirical analyses have found evidence that financial development can be a causal determinant of economic growth. We look to reconcile these findings by concentrating on a particular aspect of industrialising UK where inefficiencies in finance could have had bite: The finance of physical infrastructures. We document the historical record and develop the importance of spatial disaggregation and spillovers in both technological and financial development. We develop a simple model that captures the nature of infrastructure finance within a theory of endogenous growth where financial costs are endogenous. We argue that the conception of the finance-growth nexus as a largely static, aggregative phenomenon misses out a good deal of complexity and we relate that complexity to a number of implications for regulation of both financial systems and the emergence of infrastructures