831 resultados para Domestic violence
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La présente étude s’imbrique dans une recherche plus large, réalisée par Damant, Oxman-Martinez, Lapierre, Tutty, Ursel, Jampton et Thiara (CRSH, 2009) ayant comme titre « Mothering in the context of domestic violence in Canada and the United Kingdom: A focus on Aboriginal, Black and Minority Ethnic women ». Dans le cadre de la présente recherche, nous effectuerons une analyse secondaire de certaines entrevues effectuées dans le cadre de la recherche de Damant et al., nous penchant plus spécifiquement sur la violence post-séparation, vécue par ces femmes. Nous baserons l’analyse des données sur sept de leurs entrevues semi-structurées. La sélection de ces sept entrevues a été effectuée par la chercheure principale. Bien qu’aucune question n’explorait le thème de la violence conjugale post-séparation, certaines femmes ont quand même abordé celui-ci. Nous en ferons état dans la présente recherche.
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Le droit international véhicule des principes de droits des femmes dits universels. Pourtant, ces droits prennent un tout autre sens lorsque confrontés aux réalités locales. En Inde, le droit hindou entretient la notion de devoirs par opposition aux droits individuels. Ainsi, la femme est définie selon ses relations à la famille et au mariage plutôt que selon ses libertés sociales. Toute dérogation dans les devoirs de la femme envers sa famille ou son mari est une raison valable pour punir la délinquance et discipliner. Cette étude s’intéresse aux tensions entre les standards internationaux et locaux à partir de l’étude de la Protection of Women against Domestic Violence Act de 2005 (PWDVA). Cette loi se trouve au confluent de l’universalisme du droit international des droits humains et du pluralisme culturel en Inde. La PWDVA semble remettre en question le statut de la femme et de la famille dans la société. Les idéaux du droit peuvent-ils être adaptés aux diverses réalités nationales et locales? Comment les organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) s’inscrivent-elles dans la conjugaison du droit vivant et du droit international pour contrer la violence domestique? Cette recherche étudie le rôle des ONG dans l’adaptation et la traduction des normes internationales dans le contexte culturel et social indien. Une analyse approfondie de documents théoriques et juridiques, des observations participatives et des entrevues au sein d'une ONG à Mumbai en 2013 ont permis d’observer la transition des normes internationales vers le local. Un tel séjour de recherche fut possible à l’aide d'une méthodologie suivant le cadre théorique du féminisme postmoderne et de l’anthropologie juridique. L’analyse des résultats a mené à la conclusion que les ONG jouent un rôle de médiateur entre les normes appartenant au droit international, au droit national indien et au droit vivant. Celles-ci doivent interpréter les droits humains intégrés à la PWDVA en reconnaissant ce qui est idéaliste et ce qui est réaliste à la lumière des réalités locales, faisant ainsi l’équilibre entre le besoin de transformations des communautés et le respect des valeurs à préserver. Cette recherche offre donc une ouverture quant aux solutions possibles pour contrer les tensions entre droits des femmes et droits culturels dans un contexte de développement international.
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En s’inscrivant dans la perspective du féminisme intersectionnelle et en mobilisant des méthodes mixtes, cette recherche tente de mieux comprendre la violence domestique envers les femmes au Mexique, à la fois à travers une analyse du discours des féministes mexicaines et d’une analyse statistique multidimensionnelle de données d’enquête identifiant les facteurs institutionnels, économiques et socioculturels associés au risque de vivre de la violence domestique. Cette thèse se démarque des réflexions féministes traditionnelles faites au Mexique puisqu’elle approche les rapports de genre en lien avec d’autres systèmes d’oppression et de subordination, fondés notamment sur les rapports de classe et l’ethnicité. Ainsi, elle appréhende la violence faite aux femmes en lien avec le patriarcat, sans réduire ce dernier à quelques indicateurs sociodémographiques et comportementaux mesurés au niveau individuel, mais en tenant compte du contexte d’inégalité de genre au niveau régional. Ce faisant, la recherche tente de réconcilier les deux grandes perspectives théoriques qui expliquent la violence conjugale, soit les approches de la violence familiale (qui s’attardent à des facteurs au niveau microsocial) et les approches féministes (qui mettent l’accent sur la structure patriarcale, c’est-à-dire le contexte plus large des inégalités de genre). Les résultats des entretiens réalisés avec des féministes représentant les trois branches du féminisme mexicain (féminisme hégémonique, populaire et autochtone) ont révélé les fractures existantes à l’intérieur du mouvement féministe au Mexique (antagonisme entre l’institutionnalisation et l’autonomie du mouvement féministe). De façon générale, l’analyse des entretiens a montré que l’engagement des féministes envers la cause des femmes est en accord avec les «idéaux types» des trois branches du féminisme mexicain. Les féministes hégémoniques mettent surtout l’accent sur la structure patriarcale de la société mexicaine et sur les inégalités de genre lorsqu’il s’agit de trouver des causes à la violence faite aux femmes. Pour les féministes du secteur populaire, la violence faite aux femmes s’explique autant par les inégalités de genre, que par les effets du système économique capitaliste. Le discours des femmes autochtones semble, quant à lui, tenir davantage compte de l’articulation des rapports de genre, des rapports ethniques, ainsi que des rapports socio-économiques. Néanmoins, nous constatons que les féministes de la branche hégémonique et populaire semblent de plus en plus sensibles à l’entrecroisement de systèmes de domination et d’oppression. Par ailleurs, l’analyse multiniveau effectuée à partir des données de l’Enquête nationale portant sur la dynamique des relations dans les ménages (2006), a révélé plusieurs résultats importants qui méritent d’être soulignés. D’abord on constate que les différences de prévalence des violences entre les municipalités mexicaines sont en grande partie expliquées par leur composition sociale, c’est-à-dire par des caractéristiques des femmes et de leur couple (niveau micro), plutôt que par des différences entre le niveau des inégalités de genre dans les municipalités mexicaines mesurées par l’ISDH (Indice Sexospécifique du Développement Humain). Les résultats des analyses montrent que les femmes autochtones ont en général des taux de violences moins élevés que les femmes métisses (groupe majoritaire). Enfin, en ce qui a trait à la relation entre le contexte d’inégalité de genre et la violence conjugale, les résultats suggèrent que plus l’ISDH d’une municipalité est élevée, plus il y a de femmes qui subissent les formes de violences. Cela va à l’encontre des postulats habituels des théories féministes et suggèrent que les progrès récents de la situation de la femme en matière de santé, d’éducation et de revenu n’ont pas bouleversé les rapports de genre encore très patriarcales qui continuent à privilégier la suprématie des hommes (Casique, 2004).
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Essai critique de stage présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l’obtention du grade de la maîtrise ès sciences (M.Sc.) en service social
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Although there are signs of decline, homicides and traffic-related injuries and deaths in Brazil account for almost two-thirds of all deaths from external causes. In 2007, the homicide rate was 26.8 per 100 000 people and traffic-related mortality was 23.5 per 100 000. Domestic violence might not lead to as many deaths, but its share of violence-related morbidity is large. These are important public health problems that lead to enormous individual and collective costs. Young, black, and poor men are the main victims and perpetrators of community violence, whereas poor black women and children are the main victims of domestic violence. Regional differentials are also substantial. Besides the sociocultural determinants, much of the violence in Brazil has been associated with the misuse of alcohol and illicit drugs, and the wide availability of firearms. The high traffic-related morbidity and mortality in Brazil have been linked to the chosen model for the transport system that has given priority to roads and private-car use without offering adequate infrastructure. The system is often poorly equipped to deal with violations of traffic rules. In response to the major problems of violence and injuries, Brazil has greatly advanced in terms of legislation and action plans. The main challenge is to assess these advances to identify, extend, integrate, and continue the successful ones.
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Includes bibliography
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Animal cruelty is defined as a deliberate action that causes pain and suffering to an animal. In Brazil, legislation known as the Environmental Crimes Law states that cruelty toward all animal species is criminal in nature. From 644 domestic cats necropsied between January 1998 and December 2009, 191 (29.66%) presented lesions highly suggestive of animal cruelty. The main necroscopic finding was exogenous carbamate poisoning (75.39%) followed by blunt-force trauma (21.99%). Cats from 7 months to 2 years of age were the most affected (50.79%). In Brazil, violence is a public health problem and there is a high prevalence of domestic violence. Therefore, even if laws provide for animal welfare and protection, animals are common targets for violent acts. Within a context of social violence, cruelty toward animals is an important parameter to be considered, and the non-accidental lesions that were found are evidence of malicious actions.
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This study investigates the influence of neighbourhood socioeconomic conditions on women's likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence (IPV) in Sao Paulo, Brazil. Data from 940 women who were interviewed as part of the WHO multi-country study on women's health and domestic violence against women, and census data for Sao Paulo City, were analyzed using multilevel regression techniques. A neighbourhood socioeconomic-level scale was created, and proxies for the socioeconomic positions of the couple were included. Other individual level variables included factors related to partner's behaviour and women's experiences and attitudes. Women's risk of IPV did not vary across neighbourhoods in Sao Paulo nor was it influenced by her individual socioeconomic characteristics. However, women in the middle range of the socioeconomic scale were significantly more likely to report having experienced violence by a partner. Partner behaviours such as excessive alcohol use, controlling behaviour and multiple sexual partnerships were important predictors of IPV. A women's likelihood of IPV also increased if either her mother had experienced IPV or if she used alcohol excessively. These findings suggest that although the characteristics of people living in deprived neighbourhoods may influence the probability that a woman will experience IPV, higher-order contextual dynamics do not seem to affect this risk. While poverty reduction will improve the lives of individuals in many ways, strategies to reduce IPV should prioritize shifting norms that reinforce certain negative male behaviours. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The article reflects on the difficult relation between community work against domestic violence and local crime prevention under the conditions of the neoliberal state that cuts down on social benefits and promotes self-help, active citizenship and self-responsibility instead while at the same time restoring the punishing state with its strict regime of law-and-order. The author describes a project Tarantula - she started herself while being a social worker in Hamburg, Germany. Tarantula was aimed at strengthening social networks and the neighbours' willingness to get involved in favour of affected women. Although conceptualized as an emancipatory approach referring to community organizing in the tradition of social movements it is questionable whether and how this can really work in the current situation. At present, the field of crime control is being reconfigured as a result of political and administrative decisions, which, for their part, are based on a new structure of social relations and cultural attitudes. The demolition of the 'welfare state' means the re-coding of the security policy that facilitates the development of interventionist techniques that govern and control individuals through their own ability to act.
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Violence against women has been recognized as a significant worldwide human rights issue and public health problem. Women of reproductive age may be particularly at risk, and pregnancy may trigger or escalate violence. Using data available from Demographic and Health Surveys on 271,103 women of reproductive age (15-49) from Bolivia, Cameroon, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Haiti, India, Kenya, Nicaragua, Peru, South Africa, and Zambia, this study examined the nature of domestic violence during pregnancy in developing countries, including prevalence, demographic and risk factors, maternal and child health outcomes, perpetrators of violence, help-seeking behavior, and social support. In the majority of countries analyzed, violence during pregnancy consistently occurred at approximately one-third the rate at which domestic violence occurred overall. Younger women and women with more children were particularly at risk. Abuse during pregnancy was significantly associated with history of a terminated pregnancy and under-5 child mortality in most countries, and with neonatal and post-neonatal mortality in most Latin American countries. Women who were abused during pregnancy were most often abused by their current or former husband or boyfriend and most never attempted to seek help. In most countries that examined social support, women abused during pregnancy had significantly less contact with family and friends. Implications for practice and research are discussed. ^
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This study aimed to determine if legislation on violence against women (VAW) worldwide contains key components recommended by the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) and the United Nations (UN) to help strengthen VAW prevention and provide better integrated victim protection, support, and care. A systematic search for VAW legislation using international legal databases and other electronic sources plus data from previous research identified 124 countries/territories with some type of VAW legislation. Full legal texts were found for legislation from 104 countries/territories. Those available in English, Portuguese, and Spanish were downloaded and compiled and the selection criteria applied (use of any of the common terms related to VAW, including intimate partner violence (IPV), and reference to at least two of six sectors (education, health, judicial system, mass media, police, and social services) with regard to VAW interventions (protection, support, and care). A final sample from 80 countries/territories was selected and analyzed for the presence of key components recommended by PAHO and the UN (reference to the term "violence against women" in the title; definitions of different types of VAW; identification of women as beneficiaries; and promotion of (reference to) the participation of multiple sectors in VAW interventions). Few countries/territories specifically identified women as the beneficiaries of their VAW legislation, including those that labeled their legislation "domestic violence" law ( n = 51), of which only two explicitly mentioned women as complainants/survivors. Only 28 countries/territories defined the main forms of VAW (economic, physical, psychological, and sexual) in their VAW legislation. Most highlighted the role of the judicial system, followed by that of social services and the police. Only 28 mentioned the health sector. Despite considerable efforts worldwide to strengthen VAW legislation, most VAW laws do not incorporate the key recommended components. Significant limitations were found in the legislative content, its application, and the extent to which it provided women with integrated protection, support, and care. In developing new VAW legislation, policymakers should consider the vital role of health services.
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Cover title.
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Objective: This study aimed to investigate associations between violence and younger women's reproductive events using Survey 1 (1996) data of the Younger cohort of the Australian Longitudinal Study of Women's Health (ALSWH). Methods: Multinomial regression, using composite variables for both violence and reproductive events, adjusting for socioeconomic variables and weighted for rural and remote areas. Results: 23.8% of 14,784 women aged 18 to 23 years reported violence; 12.6% reported non-partner violence in the previous year; and 11.2% reported ever having had a violent relationship with a partner. Of the latter group, 43% (4.8% overall) also reported violence in the past year. Compared with women reporting no violence, women reporting partner but not recent violence (OR 2.55, 95% Cl 2.10-3.09) or partner and recent violence (OR 3.96, 95% Cl 3.18-4.93) were significantly more likely to have had one or more pregnancies. Conversely, having had a pregnancy (2,561) was associated with an 80% increase in prevalence of any violence and a 230% increase in partner violence. Among women who had a pregnancy, having had a miscarriage or termination was associated with violence. Partner and recent violence is strongly associated with having had a miscarriage, whether alone (OR = 2.85, 95% Cl 1.74-4.66), with a termination (OR = 4.60, 2.26-9.35), or with birth, miscarriage and a termination (OR 4.12, 1.89-9.00). Conclusions and implications: Violence among young women of childbearing age is a factor for which doctors should be vigilant, well-trained and supported to identify and manage effectively.
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Mothers are often alienated from their children when child abuse is suspected or confirmed, whether she is the primary abuser of the child or not. An abusive or violent partner often initiates the process of maternal alienation from children as a control mechanism. When the co-occurrence of maternal and child abuse is not recognised, nurses and health professionals risk further alienating a mother from her children, which can have detrimental effects in both the short and long term. Evidence shows that when mothers are supported and have the necessary resources there is a reduction in the violence and abuse she and her children experience; this occurs even in situations where the mother is the primary abuser of her children. The family-centred care philosophy, which is widely accepted as the best approach to nursing care for children and their families, creates tension for nurses caring for children who are the victims of abuse as this care generally occurs away from the context of the family. This fragmented approach to caring for abused children can inadvertently undermine the mother-child relationship and further contribute to maternal alienation. This paper discusses the complexity of family violence for nurses negotiating the 'tight rope' between the prime concern for the safety of children and further contributing to maternal alienation, within a New Zealand context. The premise that restoration of the mother-child relationship is paramount for the long-term wellbeing of both the children and the mother provides the basis for discussing implications for nursing practice.
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When Kate and Laura Mulleavy of Rodarte worked with MAC to create their Autumn/Winter 2010 makeup collection and based their ideas on the murdered women of Ciudad Juarez, there was a public and industry outcry which led to the withdrawal of cosmetics with names such as ‘Factory’ ‘Juarez’ and ‘Ghost Town’. Rodarte tapped into the borderland mythologies of Juarez and crated an illusory fantasy world which sought to simultaneously obliterate and venerate the dead women. One eyeshadow, ‘Bordertown’, appears to look like chunks of rotting flesh streaked with blood. The models for their catwalk show had hollow blackened eyes, green-white pallor and lips that had been bloodlessly ‘lip-erased’ with a product specifically designed for the purpose. In Spanish, maquillar is to make up, to assemble. The women in the factories are asked to repeat simple mechanical operations thousands of times a day to make up the products which will be sold by global corporations. At the same time their images are being assembled, made up and aestheticized to create a cosmetic erasure of the crimes which they are subject to. When two American women and a global company make profit from this dangerous cosmetic erasure in order to sell products, the borders between bodies, countries, art and crime become leaky through the act and the illusion of symbiosis between the women of Ciudad Juarez and the products they inspired is threatened by the haunting of exploitation. Since then, the situation has become more complex. Chris Brown got a neck tattoo, based, he says, on the promotional material produced by MAC for the Rodarte sisters campaign. The image, which is of a skull, bears a striking resemblance to the police photographs of his ex, and now current, girlfriend, superstar Rihanna. The controversy over gendered violence, race and exploitation, begun by Rodarte and MAC, came back, haunting, once again. This paper seeks to address these connections, and ask what happens when domestic violence collides with globalism, fashion and murder.