"I Forbid You To Like It:" The Smiths, David Cameron, and the Politics of (Mis)appropriating Popular Culture

The Smiths were a critically acclaimed 1980s “indie” band that achieved cult-status within the five years they were musically active. Several studies on fandom have focused on The Smiths, particularly its frontman Morrissey, whose “apostles” are among the most committed on the popular music circuit. Yet British Prime Minister David Cameron’s repeated claims to Smiths fandom have been rebuked by fans, and the band themselves, as being incompatible with his right-wing political program; former Smiths guitarist and songwriter Johnny Marr tweeted: “David Cameron, stop saying you like The Smiths, no you don’t. I forbid you to like it.”

This article proceeds from the possibility that David Cameron was not being cynical in professing his admiration for The Smiths and considers music’s role in the embodiment of a social identity. Drawing on recent examples in the UK and the US, the article explores politicians’ problematic relationship with popular culture, alongside the notion that when an artist’s music is appropriated, they themselves are appropriated.

On the waterfront: neoliberal urbanism and the politics of public benefit

Dear Philip,

Thank you for adding your record to Pure. We notice that as of yet you have not uploaded your accepted manuscript for this publication.

As you may be aware HEFCE require that the accepted manuscripts of all journal articles and conference proceedings with an ISSN accepted from the 1st April 2016 are uploaded to Pure within 3 months of early online publication to ensure eligibility for the post 2014 REF.

The accepted manuscript is the final accepted version after changes from peer review have been incorporated. It is usually a Word or plain text file without publisher logos and prior to copy-editing and typesetting applied by the publisher.

If you have this version, I would be grateful if you could upload it to the record, selecting "Accepted author manuscript (post print)" from the document version drop down menu. If you have not done so already, please add your date of acceptance. Library staff will apply a copyright statement and any embargo required by the publisher.

Please contact me if you have any questions or require further information.

Kind regards,


Mark

Open Access Team

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies How parties organize in the 21st century

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

On and off the stage at Atlanta Greek Picnic: Performances of collective black middle-class identities and the politics of belonging

This dissertation presents a thick ethnography that engages in the micro-analysis of the situationality of black middle-class collective identification processes through an examination of performances by members of the nine historically black sororities and fraternities at Atlanta Greek Picnic, an annual festival that occurs at the beginning of June in Atlanta, Georgia. It mainly attracts undergraduate and graduate members of these university-based organizations, as they exist all over the United States. This exploration of black Greek-letter organization (BGLO) performances uncovers processes through which young black middle-class individuals attempt to combine two universes that are at first glance in complete opposition to each other: the domain of the traditional black middle-class values with representations and fashions stemming from black popular culture. These constructions also attempt to incorporate—in a contradiction of sorts— black popular cultural elements in the objective to deconstruct the social conservatism that characterizes middle-class values, particularly in relation to sexuality and its representation in social behaviors and performances. This negotiation between prescribed v middle-class values of respectability and black popular culture provides a space wherein black individuals challenge and/or perpetuate those dominant tropes through identity performances that feed into the formation of black sexual politics, which I examine through a variety of BGLO staged and non-staged performances. ^

Making the Men of Tomorrow: American Science Fiction and the Politics of Masculinity, 1965 – 1974

Suggesting that the political diversity of American science fiction during the 1960s and early 1970s constitutes a response to the dominance of social liberalism throughout the 1940s and 1950s, I argue in Making the Men of Tomorrow that the development of new hegemonic masculinities in science fiction is a consequence of political speculation. Focusing on four representative and influential texts from the 1960s and early 1970s, Philip K. Dick’s The Three Stigmata of Palmer Eldritch and Ubik, Robert A. Heinlein’s The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress, and Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed, this thesis explores the relationship between different conceptions of hegemonic masculinity and three separate but related political ideologies: the social ethic, market libertarianism, and socialist libertarianism. In the first two chapters in which I discuss Dick’s novels, I argue that Dick interrogates organizational masculinity as part of a larger project that suggests the inevitable infeasibility of both the social ethic and its predecessor, social liberalism. In the next chapter, I shift my attention to Heinlein’s The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress as a way of showing how, unlike Dick, other authors of the 1960s and early 1970s sought to move beyond social liberalism by imagining how new political ideologies, in this case market libertarianism, might change the way men see themselves. Having demonstrated how the libertarian potential of Heinlein’s novel is ultimately undermined by its insistent and uncompromising biological determinism, I then discuss how Le Guin’s The Dispossessed uses the socialist libertarianism of the moon Anarres to suggest a more egalitarian form of masculinity, one that makes possible, to some extent at least, a future in which men might embrace not only the mutual aid of socialism, but also the primacy of individual rights that is at the heart of all forms of libertarianism and liberalism.

Comentario del libro: An agrarian republic: comercial agricultura and the politics of peasant communities in El Salvador 1823-1914

Introducción Cualquier trabajo monográfico que contribuya a la escasa historiografía existente sobre El Salvador es bienvenido. Mucho más lo es, si se trata de un libro como el de Aldo Lauria Santiago, que nos brinda aportes importantes para entender múltiples temas claves en la historia de esa nación: el desarrollo de la estructura agraria, la formación del Estado, la Reforma Liberal, la relación histórica entre los jerarcas militares y la elite económica, y la evolución de la participación política popular en el marco de la relación dinámica entre posición económica e identidad étnica…

Endothelin-1 Induces Contraction of Female Rat Internal Pudendal and Clitoral Arteries through ET(A) Receptor and Rho-Kinase Activation

Introduction. Endothelin-1 (ET-1), a potent vasoconstrictor peptide, acts mainly through the Gprotein-coupled ET(A) receptor (ET(A)R). Increased vascular ET-1 production and constrictor sensitivity have been observed in various cardiovascular diseases, including hypertension, as well as erectile dysfunction. The internal pudendal artery (IPA) supplies blood to the vagina and clitoris. Inadequate blood flow through the IPA may lead to insufficient vaginal engorgement and clitoral tumescence. Aim. Characterize the effects of ET-1 on the IPA and clitoral artery (CA). Methods. IPA and CA from female Sprague Dawley rats (225-250 g) were mounted in myograph chambers. Arterial segments were submitted to increasing concentrations of ET-1 (10-10-10-6 M). Segments were incubated with the ET(A)R antagonist, atrasentan (10-8 M) or the Rho-kinase inhibitor, Y-27632 (10-6 M) 30 minutes prior to agonist exposure. All E(max) values are expressed as % KCl-induced maximal contraction. ET(A)R, RhoA, and Rho-kinase expression from IPA was evaluated by Western blot. mRNA of preproET-1, ET(A)R, ET(B)R, RhoA, and Rho-kinase were measured by real time PCR. Main Outcome Measures. ET-1 constrictor sensitivity in IPA and CA, protein expression and messenger RNA levels of ET-1-mediated constriction components. Results. ET-1 concentration-dependently contracted IPA (% Contraction and pD2, respectively: 156 +/- 18, 8.2 +/- 0.1) and CA (163 +/- 12, 8.8 +/- 0.08), while ET(A)R antagonism reduced ET-1-mediated contraction (IPA: 104 +/- 23, 6.4 +/- 0.2; CA: 112 +/- 17, 6.6 +/- 0.08). Pretreatment with Y-27632 significantly shifted ET-1 pD2 in IPA (108 +/- 24, 7.9 +/- 0.1) and CA (147 +/- 58 and 8.0 +/- 0.25). Protein expression of ET(A)R, ET(B)R, RhoA, and Rho-kinase were detected in IPA. IPA and CA contained preproET-1, ET(A)R, ET(B)R, RhoA, and Rho-kinase message. Conclusion. We observed that the IPA and CA are sensitive to ET-1, signaling through the ET(A)R and Rho-kinase pathway. These data indicate that ET-1 may play a role in vaginal and clitoral blood flow and may be important in pathologies where ET-1 levels are elevated. Allahdadi KJ, Hannan JL, Tostes RC, and Webb RC. Endothelin-1 induces contraction of female rat internal pudendal and clitoral arteries through ETA receptor and Rho-kinase activation. J Sex Med 2010;7:2096-2103.

Caloric restriction induces energy-sparing alterations in skeletal muscle contraction, fiber composition and local thyroid hormone metabolism that persist during catch-up fat upon refeeding.

Weight regain after caloric restriction results in accelerated fat storage in adipose tissue. This catch-up fat phenomenon is postulated to result partly from suppressed skeletal muscle thermogenesis, but the underlying mechanisms are elusive. We investigated whether the reduced rate of skeletal muscle contraction-relaxation cycle that occurs after caloric restriction persists during weight recovery and could contribute to catch-up fat. Using a rat model of semistarvation-refeeding, in which fat recovery is driven by suppressed thermogenesis, we show that contraction and relaxation of leg muscles are slower after both semistarvation and refeeding. These effects are associated with (i) higher expression of muscle deiodinase type 3 (DIO3), which inactivates tri-iodothyronine (T3), and lower expression of T3-activating enzyme, deiodinase type 2 (DIO2), (ii) slower net formation of T3 from its T4 precursor in muscles, and (iii) accumulation of slow fibers at the expense of fast fibers. These semistarvation-induced changes persisted during recovery and correlated with impaired expression of transcription factors involved in slow-twitch muscle development. We conclude that diminished muscle thermogenesis following caloric restriction results from reduced muscle T3 levels, alteration in muscle-specific transcription factors, and fast-to-slow fiber shift causing slower contractility. These energy-sparing effects persist during weight recovery and contribute to catch-up fat.

ACUTE EFFECT of STATIC STRETCHING on RATE of FORCE DEVELOPMENT and MAXIMAL VOLUNTARY CONTRACTION IN OLDER WOMEN

Gurjao, ALD, Goncalves, R, de Moura, RF, and Gobbi, S. Acute effect of static stretching on rate of force development and maximal voluntary contraction in older women. J Strength Cond Res 23(7): 2149-2154, 2009-The purpose of this study was to investigate, in older women, the acute effect of static stretching (SS) on both muscle activation and force output. Twenty-three older women (64.6 +/- 7.1 yr) participated in the study. The maximal voluntary contraction (MVC), rate of force development (RFD) (50, 100, 150, and 200 ms relative to onset of muscular contraction), and peak RFD (PRFD) (the steepest slope of the curve during the first 200 ms) were tested under 2 randomly separate conditions: SS and control (C). Electromyographic (EMG) activity of the vastus medialis (VM), vastus lateralis (VL), and biceps femoris (BF) muscles also was assessed. The MVC was significantly lower (p < 0.05) in the 3 trials of SS when compared with the C condition (control: 925.0 +/- 50.9 N; trial 1 : 854.3 +/- 55.3 N; trial 2 : 863.1 +/- 52.2 N; and trial 3 : 877.5 +/- 49.9 N). PRFD showed a significant decrease only for the first 2 trials of SS when compared with the C condition (control: 2672.3 +/- 259.1 N/s; trial 1 : 2296.6 +/- 300.7 N/s; and trial 2 : 2197.9 +/- 246.3 N/s). However, no difference was found for RFD (50, 100, 150, and 200 ms relative to onset of muscular contraction). The EMG activity for VM, VL, and BF was not significantly different between the C and SS conditions. In conclusion, the older women's capacity to produce muscular force decreased after their performance of SS exercises. The mechanisms responsible for this effect do not appear to be related to muscle activation. Thus, if flexibility is to be trained, it is recommended that SS does not occur just before the performance of activities that require high levels of muscular force.

Mast cell concentration and skin wound contraction in rats treated with Brazilian pepper essential oil (Schinus terebinthifolius Raddi)

PURPOSE: To evaluate wound contraction and the concentration of mast cells in skin wounds treated with 5% BPT essential oil-based ointment in rats. METHODS: Twenty rats, male, of adult age, were submitted to skin surgery on the right (RA) and left antimeres (LA) of the thoracic region. They were divided into two groups: control (RA - wounds receiving daily topical application of vaseline and lanolin) and treated (LA - wounds treated daily with the topical ointment). The skin region with wounds were collected at days 4, 7, 14 and 21 after surgery. Those were fixed in 10% formaldehyde and later processed for paraffin embedding. Sections were obtained and stained by H.E for histopathology analysis. The degree of epithelial contraction was measured and mast cell concentration were also evaluated. RESULTS: The treated group showed higher mast cell concentrations (p<0.05) associated with increased contraction at day 7 and 14 respectively. CONCLUSION: Ointment containing 5% Brazilian pepper tree oil increases mast cell concentration and promotes skin wound contraction in rats.

Influence of neuromuscular fatigue on co-contraction between vastus medialis and vastus lateralis during isometric contractions

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Yoruba nationalist movements, ethnic politics and violence : a creation from historical consciousness and socio-political space in South-western Nigeria /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 105

Since 1900, the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria have put its ethnic history at work in the construction of its identity in Nigeria. The exercise resulted in the creation of ethno-nationalist movements and the practice of ethnic politics, often expressed through violent attacks on the Nigerian State and some ethnic groups in Nigeria. Relying on mythological attachment to its traditions and subjective creation of cultural pride, the people created a sense of history that established a common interest among different Yoruba sub-groups in form of pan-Yoruba interest which forms the basis for the people’s imagination of nation. Through this, historical consciousness and socio-political space in which Yoruba people are located acted as instrumental forces employed by Yoruba political elites, both at colonial and post-colonial periods to demand for increasing access to political and economic resources in Nigeria. In form of nationalism, nationalist movements and ethnic politics continued in South-western Nigeria since 1900, yet without resulting to actual creation of an independent Yoruba State up to 2009. Through ethnographic data, the part played by history, tradition and modernity is examined in this paper. While it is concluded that ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics in Yoruba society are constructive agenda dated back to pre-colonial period, it continues to transform both in structure and function. Thus, Yoruba ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics is ambiguous, dynamic and complex, to the extent that it remains a challenge to State actions in Nigeria.

ARISTOTLE AND THE IMPORTANCE OF VIRTUE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE POLITICS AND THE NICOMACHEAN ETHICS AND ITS RELATION TO TODAY

While much of Aristotle's works are preserved in various volumes, two of his famous works are the Nichmachean Ethics and the Politics, both of which contain a rich compilation of ethical and political thought. In the Ethics, Aristotle describes a thorough understanding of ethical and intellectual virtue. By pursuing these virtues, Aristotle argues that a person can achieve a life of fulfilling happiness. The ideal polis as described in the Politics serves as a place where the virtuous life is attained in the best manner.Citizens who pursue virtue make the polis better, and the rulers that guide the polis ensure that the citizens have every opportunity to pursue the virtuous life. In this thesis, I see how relevant Aristotle's theory is by laying out the basic principles of the Ethics and the Politics and the connections between the two works. Indoing so, I found that Aristotle's ideal theory points out a significant flaw in our political system: the fact that we do not share a common moral conception such as the one concerned with the virtuous life as Aristotle proposes. This does not suggest thatAristotle's view was actualized during his time period, but that Aristotle conceives of an ideal life and an ideal polis that could be realized. Certainly there are issues with Aristotle's thesis concerning the inferiority of slaves and women. But what is morepoignant is the impracticality of instituting a shared common conception when today's political system permits various ideas about ethics and morality.

Politics of the 1945 Constitution:Democratization and Its Impact on Political Institutions in Indonesia

Introduction : Before 1998, no one could think about the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution was a product of nationalist who had hard fought for independence from the Dutch colonization. This historical background made it the symbol of independence of the Indonesian nation. Thus, it has been considered as forbidden to touch contents of the 1945 Constitution whereas political leaders have legitimized their authoritarian rulership by utilizing a symbolic character of the Constitution. With the largest political turmoil since its independence, that is, a breakdown of authoritarian regime and democratic transformation in 1998-1999, however, a myth of the "sacred and inviolable" constitution has disappeared. A new theme has then aroused: how can the 1945 Constitution be adapted for a new democratic regime in Indonesia? 　　　The Indonesian modern state has applied the 1945 Constitution as the basic law since its independence in 1945, except for around 10 years in the 1950s. In the period of independence struggle, contrary to the constitutional provision that a kind of presidential system is employed, a cabinet responsible for the Central National Committee was installed. Politics under this institution was in practice a parliamentary system of government. After the Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, West European constitutionalism and party politics under a parliamentary system was fully adopted with the introduction of two new constitutions: the 1949 Constitution of Federal Republic of Indonesia and the 1950 Provisional Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. Since a return from the 1950 Constitution to the 1945 Constitution was decided with the Presidential Decree in 1959, the 1945 Constitution had supported two authoritarian regimes of Soekarno's "Guided Democracy" and Soeharto's "New Order" as a legal base. When the 32-year Soeharto's government fell down and democratization started in 1998, the 1945 Constitution was not replaced with a new one, as seen in many other democratizing countries, but successively reformed to adapt itself to a new democratic regime. In the result of four constitutional amendments in 1999-2002, political institutions in Indonesia are experiencing a transformation from an authoritative structure, in which the executive branch monopolized power along with incompetent legislative and judicial branches, to a modern democratic structure, in which the legislative branch can maintain predominance over the executive. However, as observed that President Abdurrahman Wahid, the first president ever elected democratically in Indonesian history, was impeached after one and a half years in office, democratic politics under a new political institution has never been stable. 　　　Under the 1945 Constitution, how did authoritarian regimes maintain stability? Why can a democratic regime not achieve its stability? What did the two constitutional amendments in the process of democratization change? In the first place, how did the political institutions stipulated by the 1945 Constitution come out? Through answering the above questions, this chapter intends to survey the historical continuity and change of political institutions in Indonesia along with the 1945 Constitutions and to analyze impact of regime transformation on political institutions. First, we examine political institutions stipulated by the original 1945 Constitution as well as historical and philosophical origins of the constitution. Second, we search constitutional foundations in the 1945 Constitution that made it possible for Soekarno and Soeharto to establish and maintain authoritarian regimes. Third, we examine contents of constitutional amendments in the process of democratization since 1998. Fourth, we analyze new political dynamics caused by constitutional changes, looking at the impeachment process of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Finally, we consider tasks faced by Indonesia that seeks to establish a stable democracy.