716 resultados para Communication -- Social aspects -- Ontario -- Niagara Peninsula
Resumo:
Body image refers to an individual's internal representation ofhis/her outer self (Cash, 1994; Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). It is a multidimensional construct which includes an individual's attitudes towards hislher own physical characteristics (Bane & McAuley, 1998; Cash, 1994; Cash, 2004; Davison & McCabe, 2005; Muth & Cash, 1997; Sabiston, Crocker, & Munroe-Chandler, 2005). Social comparison is the process of thinking about the self in relation to others in order to determine if one's opinions and abilities are adequate and to assess one's social status (Festinger, 1954; Wood, 1996). Research investigating the role of social comparisons on body image has provided some information on the types and nature of the comparisons that are made. The act of making social comparisons may have a negative impact on body image (van den Berg et ai., 2007). Although exercise may improve body image, the impact of social comparisons in exercise settings may be less positive, and there may be differences in the social comparison tendencies between non or infrequent exercisers and exercisers. The present study examined the nature of social comparisons that female collegeaged non or infrequent exercisers and exercisers made with respect to their bodies, and the relationship of these social comparisons to body image attitudes. Specifically, the frequency and direction of comparisons on specific tal-gets and body dimensions were examined in both non or infrequent exercisers and exercisers. Finally, the relationship between body-image attitudes and the frequency and direction with which body-related social comparisons were made for non or infrequent exercisers and exercisers were examined. One hundred and fifty-two participants completed the study (n = 70 non or ill infrequent exercisers; n = 82 exercisers). Participants completed measures of social physique anxiety (SPA), body dissatisfaction, body esteem, body image cognitions, leisure time physical activity, and social comparisons. Results suggested that both groups (non or infrequent exercisers and exercisers) generally made social comparisons and most frequently made comparisons with same-sex friends, and least frequently with same-sex parents. Also, both groups made more appearance-related comparisons than non-appearance-related comparisons. Further, both groups made more negative comparisons with almost all targets. However, non or infrequent exercisers generally made more negative comparisons on all body dimensions, while exercisers made negative comparisons only on weight and body shape dimensions. MANOV As were conducted to examine if any differences on social comparisons between the two groups existed. Results of the MANOVAs indicated that frequency of comparisons with targets, the frequency of comparisons on body dimensions, and direction of comparisons with targets did not differ based on exercise status. However, the direction of comparison of specific body dimensions revealed a significant (F (7, 144) = 3.26,p < .05; 1]2 = .132) difference based on exercise status. Follow-up ANOVAs showed significant differences on five variables: physical attractiveness (F (1, 150) = 6.33,p < .05; 1]2 = .041); fitness (F(l, 150) = 11.89,p < .05; 1]2 = .073); co-ordination (F(I, 150) = 5.61,p < .05; 1]2 = .036); strength (F(I, dO) = 12.83,p < .05; 1]2 = .079); muscle mass or tone (F(l, 150) = 17.34,p < .05; 1]2 = 1.04), with exercisers making more positive comparisons than non or infrequent exercisers. The results from the regression analyses for non or infrequent exercisers showed appearance orientation was a significant predictor of the frequency of social comparisons N (B = .429, SEB = .154, /3 = .312,p < .01). Also, trait body image measures accounted for significant variance in the direction of social comparisons (F(9, 57) = 13.43,p < .001, R2adj = .68). Specifically, SPA (B = -.583, SEB = .186, /3 = -.446,p < .01) and body esteem-weight concerns (B = .522, SEB = .207, /3 = .432,p < .01) were significant predictors of the direction of comparisons. For exercisers, regressions revealed that specific trait measures of body image significantly predicted the frequency of comparisons (F(9, 71) = 8.67,p < .001, R2adj = .463). Specifically, SPA (B = .508, SEB = .147, /3 = .497,p < .01) and appearance orientation (B = .457, SEB = .134, /3 = .335,p < .01) were significant predictors of the frequency of social comparisons. Lastly, for exercisers, the results for the regression of body image measures on the direction of social comparisons were also significant (F(9, 70) = 14.65,p < .001, R2adj = .609) with body dissatisfaction (B = .368, SEB = .143, /3 = .362,p < .05), appearan.ce orientation (B = .256, SEB = .123, /3 = .175,p < .05), and fitness orientation (B = .423, SEB = .194, /3 = .266,p < .05) significant predictors of the direction of social comparison. The results indicated that young women made frequent social comparisons regardless of exercise status. However, exercisers m,a de more positive comparisons on all the body dimensions than non or infrequent exercisers. Also, certain trait body image measures may be good predictors of one's body comp~son tendencies. However, the measures which predict comparison tendencies may be different for non or infrequent exercisers and exercisers. Future research should examine the effects of social comparisons in different populations (i.e., males, the obese, older adults, etc.). Implications for practice and research were discussed.
Produced subjectivities and productive subjects : locating the potential of the self-reflective blog
Resumo:
Blogging software has popularly been used as a mode of writing about everyday life to interact with others. This thesis examines the political potentials that are opened up by self-reflective blogging. The self-reflective blog is a synergy of self-reflective practices and computer-mediated communication. A genealogy of the history of computer-mediated communication and various public self-reflective practices is conducted to uncover affect as the utility of various economies of subject production. Efforts made to blog-like the efforts made to interact online in other CMCs-are positioned as a kind of affective labor. Adapting Hardt and Negri's (2005) theorization of the multitude, whereby affective labor-the production of social relationshipsis a kind ofbiopolitical production, affect will be determined as a kind ofbiopolitical power that exists in everyday life.
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Background. West Nile Virus (WNV), a mosquito-borne flavivirus, is one of an increasing number of infectious diseases that have been emerging or re-emerging in the last two decades. Since the arrival ofWNV to Canada to present date, the Niagara Region has only reported 30 clinical cases, a small number compared to the hundreds reported in other regions of similar conditions. Moreover, the last reported human case in Niagara was in 2006. As it has been demonstrated that the majority of WNV infections are asymptomatic, the question remains whether the lack of clinical cases in Niagara truly reflects the lack of transmission to humans or if infections are still occurring but are mostly asymptomatic. Objectives. The general objective of this study was to establish whether or not active WNV transmission could be detected in a human population residing in Niagara for the 2007 transmission season. To fullfil this objective, a cross-sectional seroprevalence study was designed to investigate for the presence of anti-WNV antibodies in a sample of Mexican migrant agricultural workers employed in farms registered with the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP). Due to the Mexican origin of the study participants, three specific research objectives were proposed: a) determine the seroprevalence ofanti-WNV antibodies as well as anti-Dengue virus antibodies (a closely related virus prevalent in Mexico and likely to confound WNV serology); b) analyze risk factors associated with WNV and Dengue virus seropositivity; and c) assess the awareness of study participants about WNV infection as well as their understanding of the mode of transmission and clinical importance of the infection. Methodology: After obtaining ethics clearance from Brock University, farms were visited and workers invited to participate. Due to time constraints, only a small number of farms were enrolled with a resulting convenience and non-randomized study sample. Workers' demographic and epidemiological data were collected using a standardized questionnaire and blood samples were drawn to determine serum anti-WNV and anti- Dengue antibodies with a commercial ELISA. All positive samples were sent to the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg, Manitoba for confirmation with the Plaque Reduction Neutralization Test (PRNT). Data was analyzed with Stata 10.0. Antibody determinations were reported as seroprevalence proportions for both WNV and Dengue. Logistic regression was used to analyze risk factors that may be associated with seropositivity and awareness was reported as a proportion of the number of individuals possessing awareness over the total number of participants. Results and Discussion. In total 92 participants working in 5 farms completed the study. Using the commercial ELISA, seropositivity was as follows: 2.2% for WNV IgM, 20.7% for WNV IgG, and 17.1 % for Dengue IgG. Possible cross-reactivity was demonstrated in 15/20 (75.0%) samples that were positive for both WNV IgG and Dengue IgG. Confirmatory testing with the PRNT demonstrated that none of the WNV ELISA positive samples had antibodies to WNV but 13 samples tested positive for anti-Dengue antibodies (14.1 % Dengue sereoprevalence). The findings showed that the ELISA performance was very poor for assessing anti-WNV antibodies in individuals previously exposed to Dengue virus. However, the ELISA had better sensitivity and specificity for assessing anti-Dengue antibodies. Whereas statistical analysis could not be done for WNV seropositivity, as all samples were PRNT negative, logistic regression demonstrated several risk factors for Dengue exposure_ The first year coming to Canada appeared to be significantly associated with increased exposure to Dengue while lower socio-economic housing and the presence of a water basin in the yard in Mexico appeared to be significantly associated with a decreased exposure to Dengue_ These seemingly contradictory results illustrate that in mobile populations such as migrant workers, risk factors for exposure to Dengue are not easily identified and more research is needed. Assessing the awareness of WNV and its clinical importance showed that only 23% of participants had some knowledge of WNV, of which 76% knew that the infection was mosquito-borne and 47% recognized fever as a symptom. The identified lack of understanding and awareness was not surprising since WNV is not a visible disease in Mexico. Since WNV persists in an enzootic cycle in Niagara and the occurrence of future outbreaks is unpredictable, the agricultural workers remain at risk for transmission. Therefore it important they receive sufficient health education regarding WNV before leaving Mexico and during their stay in Canada. Conclusions. Human transmission of WNV could not be proven among the study participants even when due to their occupation they are at high risk for mosquito bites. The limitations of the study sample do not permit generalizable conclusions, however, the study findings are consistent with the absence of clinical cases in the Niagara Region, so it is likely that human transmission is indeed neglible or absent. As evidenced by our WNV serology results, PRNT must be utilized as a confirmatory test since false positivity occurs frequently. This is especially true when previous exposure to Dengue virus is likely.
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One way of exploring the power of sound in the experience and constitution of space is through the phenomenon of personal listening devices (PLDs) in public environments. In this thesis, I draw from in-depth interviews with eleven Brock University students in S1. Catharines, Ontario, to show how PLDs (such as MP3 players like the iPod) are used to create personalized soundscapes and mediate their public transit journeys. I discuss how my interview participants experience the space-time of public transit, and show how PLDs are used to mediate these experiences in acoustic and non-acoustic ways. PLD use demonstrates that acoustic and environmental experiences are co-constitutive, which highlights a kinaesthetic quality of the transit-space. My empirical findings show that PLDs transform space, particularly by overlapping public and private appropriations of the bus. I use these empirical findings to discuss the PLD phenomenon in the theoretical context of spatiality, and more specifically, acoustic space. J develop the ontological notion of acoustic space, stating that space shares many of the properties of sound, and argue that sound is a rich epistemological tool for understanding and explaining our everyday experiences.
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Previous research shows discrepant findings between youth leisure programming (before and after school programs, structured summer program, day camp, overnight camp), academic performance and other youth developmental outcomes. Studies underscores the importance of family, community and school social capital in educational success of youth, investigation of peer social capital in the leisure context and academic performance outcomes is limited. This study uses a sample of 10 and 11 year olds (N=1764) from the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY) Cycle 6, to study the association between youth leisure programming, peer social capital and academic performance. Ordinal logistic regression models consistently showed a positive association between overnight camp and academic performance even after controlling for determinants of health, and measures of family, school and community social capital. Similarly, the measure of peer social capital was positively associated with academic performance. Most importantly, the interaction between overnight camp participation and peer social capital was significantly associated with academic performance. Study findings, highlight overnight camp opportunities and peer social
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During the 1950’s, the Rittenhouse family of Vineland in the Niagara Peninsula opened a craft store and studio. Within a short period of time, they realized that resources for the craft of rug hooking were in demand and they began to build their business around this niche. Edna Rittenhouse, the mother, was the wool dyer; Margaret Rowan, the daughter, was the pattern designer; Ted Rowan, the son-in-law, changed careers and became the manager of the family business. The 1960’s were a prosperous time, not only in the Niagara Peninsula, but also for the Rittenhouse business. Edna Rittenhouse had been hooking rugs for decades but she and her family worked at developing and sharing newer techniques with newer materials. Shading manuals were authored and published; students became teachers; creativity abounded in the demand for and the creation of new designs. Instead of using woolen yarn, they were using pure woolen fabric; instead of using a standard cutter, they began using a uniquely designed cutter; instead of using frames, they employed a table top method. The new material and technique resulted in a rug with a smooth, uniform texture and a soft nap. Since many crafters belonged to crafters guilds, Margaret and Ted Rowan began promoting the idea of a guild for rug hookers and in time the Ontario Hooking Craft Guild was also a reality. A joint project between Chatelaine magazine and the Rittermere studio for Canada’s centennial year of 1967 was extremely well received within the circle of hooking crafters and the Rittermere Farm Craft Studio became a North American landmark for crafters. From this point onward the studio had a large customer base not only in North America but also overseas. The studio remained popular until 1984 when Margaret and Ted Rowan decided to retire. The Rittermere name has been preserved in the name of Rittermere-Hurst-Field which is a similar business located in Aurora which is just north of Toronto.
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The first Rotary Club was created in February 1905, by Chicago lawyer Paul P. Harris. Harris envisioned a club which would bring members of the business community closer together. As his vision grew more members were acquired. In order to accommodate everyone, meetings were held at each of the member’s place of business; hence the name Rotary Club was adopted. A wagon wheel was chosen as an appropriate symbol to denote the club; which today has become the cogwheel. By the close of its first year the club had thirty members. Slowly Rotary Clubs began emerging across the country and by 1910 they had become International by moving North to Canada. By 1921 Rotary representation was present in every Continent and in 1922 the name Rotary International had been approved. The Rotary Club of St. Catharines came into existence on May 19, 1921 under the Charter President Canon Bill Broughall. The Club’s beginnings were humble with only twenty-five members; however, by their seventy-fifth anniversary the club had grown to one hundred and forty-four. The Rotary Club of St. Catharines is a non-profit charity, prescribing to the motto Service above Self. This motto is demonstrated through the Clubs numerous contributions to society both locally and internationally. The Club raises funds, supports exchange programs, and participates in community service work. Some of the organizations which have benefited from the Clubs donations; include, Easter Seals, the Niagara Peninsula Children’s Centre, and the Youth Exchange Program.
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The fonds contains materials relating to The St. Catharines General Hospital, from 1941-2003 (non-inclusive). The materials included are meeting minutes, reports, media releases and correspondence media packages and some photographs. There are also a few short books put together on the history of the Mack Training School for Nurses and the Shaver Hospital. Material within folders has retained its original order. Many of the folders contain more than one type of material, for example media releases, clippings, correspondence etc. The most prominent form of material within the folder is what dictates the folder title. Sub-series within a series have been arranged alphabetically. Folders within a sub-series have been arranged chronologically.
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The Electrical Development Company of Ontario was created in 1903. It was one of three private power companies that had water power leases with the Niagara Parks Commission, but was the only one that was financed with Canadian capital. The company built the Toronto Power Generating Station at Niagara Falls beginning in 1906, and the power house was completed in 1913. During the construction, there was much debate about whether the utility should remain privately operated or become a public utility. In 1920, the company became part of the public utility.
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In 1818 Parkhurst Whitney built stairs leading to the river’s edge at Prospect Point. In 1825 Porter Brother replaced that staircase with a spiral one. In 1844 Whitney started a water powered incline railway there although the staircase was also used until 1890. In 1906 the water wheel was replaced by an electric power plant. There were lower buildings which included Shadow of the Rock which was a concession stand and also rented raincoats to the tourists. This was destroyed by fire and ice in 1892 and replaced by a chalet-style building in 1894-95. On July 6th, 1907 a cable on the incline railway broke. One person was killed and several sustained injuries. An elevator was constructed and it opened in January of 1910. It was condemned in 1954 when water entered the shaft, this was at the time of the collapse of Prospect Point which occurred at 4:50 pm. on July 28, 1954. This photograph was taken prior to 1954. Today the New York State Observation Tower stands at Prospect Point and The Maid of the Mist boat ride is available from the base of the tower. with information from: Niagara Falls Canada: a History by the Kiwanis Club of Stamford, Ontario
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An Entrepreneurship Centre was established at Brock University in 1988 as a joint venture between the University and the City of St. Catharines. In Januaray 1989, a generous donation was made to the Centre by the Burgoyne family, proprietors of the St. Catharines Standard. The Centre subsequently became known as the Burgoyne Centre for Entrepreneurship (BCE). The Centre’s mission was to “promote excellence in research, education and training for entrepreneur development and new venture creation”. To achieve this objective, it was necessary for the BCE to become a community focal point and serve as a link between academic, private and government sectors in the Niagara Region that were involved in entrepreneurial activities. This was primarily done with the provision of educational programs offered through cooperating organizations. Funding for the Centre came from multiple sources, including fees for services and contract research, endowments and grants, as well as Brock University. An Advisory Council, composed of local prominent businesspeople and chaired by Henry Burgoyne, assisted the Centre with promotion and fundraising. The partnerships established by the BCE with other community bodies such as the Lincoln County Board of Education and the Niagara Region Development Corporation resulted in important collaborative community initiatives such as the Niagara Enterprise Agency and the New Enterprise Store. Such collaborations increased the Centre’s profile without duplicating or competing with services offered by existing agencies. The BCE was also instrumental in establishing an entrepreneurship curriculum for secondary school students, and collaborated with the Faculty of Education at Brock University to offer an Ontario Secondary School Entrepreneurship Specialist Teaching Certificate Program to teachers. As the BCE became more prolific in the community, and the iniatives it fostered in the community began to thrive, the Centre’s leadership required the authority to make instantaneous decisions. This was at odds with the hierarchical structure of the University, to which the BCE was accountable. Ultimately, this situation led to the demise of the Centre. The university focused its efforts on academic research and undergraduate courses, while the community partners took responsibility for any joint programs.
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4 Minute Books dated: 1880, 1892, 1901, 1934, 1948-1950, 1952-1953, 1955, 1958, 1962 – 1975, 1981, 1984, 1986; 3 Common stock books dated: 1934-1935, 1937-1941, 1946, 1948-1950, 1955-1956, 1958, 1961-1974, 1981 and 2 Class A stock books dated:1948 - 1951
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Please consult the paper edition of this thesis to read. It is available on the 5th Floor of the Library at Call Number: Z 9999.5 B63 P54 2007
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This thesis is based on 13 qualitative interviews conducted with 12 individuals whom I refer to as (gender)queers in Winnipeg, Manitoba, and St. Catharines, Ontario. Drawing on queer theory and the literature of sexuality and space, I explore how (gender)queers experience women's public washrooms as gendered and heterosexualized spaces. I examine the degree to which a simultaneous heterosexing and female gendering of women's public washrooms is linked to the marginalization and sometimes violent exclusion of (gender)queers within these particular spaces. I also discuss the ways in which (gender)queers may use a variety of strategies aimed at navigating heterosexualized and gendered public washrooms. Finally, I explore alternatives to conventional washrooms spaces, including the gender-neutral washrooms, multi-stall non-gendered public washrooms, and public washrooms in queer spaces.
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The Niagara Parks Commission administrative headquarters are located in Oak Hall which is on the cliff above Dufferin Islands. In 1798 this land was granted by the crown to United Empire Loyalist James Skinner until 1898. A century later it was the home of the Clarks, Streets and Macklems. These families controlled the mills of Bridgewater which was a pioneer industrial village located at Dufferin Islands. Then, it was known as Clark Hill. Colonel Thomas Clark, commander of the Second Lincoln Militia in the War of 1812 is the earliest known occupant of the house. When Clark died in 1837, the house went to Thomas Clark Street who was the son of the Colonel’s partner. Mr. Street was a bachelor and his sister, widow of Dr. T.C. Macklem, managed his household. Mrs. Macklem had 2 sons. The eldest son drowned in the Niagara River at the age of 8 and the younger son, Sutherland became heir to the estate. Mr. Macklem opened Cynthia Islands and Cedar Island to the public and had roads built to reach them. Two suspension bridges connected them to the mainland and tolls were charged on the bridges. The improvements to the land cost Macklem $18,962. He called the bridges “Bridge Castor” and “Bridge Pollux”. There was also an office built at the end of Bridge Castor. Macklem also spent $454 fixing up the Burning Spring Building (the burning spring is enclosed in a barrel which collects gas and lets it out through a tube at the top). Macklem received a yearly income of $56,378.79 from tourists and visitors. In 1887 Cynthia Islands and Cedar Island were deeded to the crown and became part of Queen Victoria Park. The name Cynthia was changed to Dufferin in honour of Lord Dufferin. Sources: www.niagarafrontier.com/parks.html www.niagarafrontier.com/burningsprings.html