970 resultados para Catholic Church. 1801 July 15.


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http://www.archive.org/details/missionofthechur013324mbp

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While people in Catholic parishes in Ireland appear keenly aware of parish boundaries, these understandings are more often oral than cartographic. There is no digital map of all of the Catholic parishes in Ireland. However, the institutional Catholic Church insists that no square kilometre can exist outside of a parish boundary. In this paper, I explain a process whereby the Catholic parishes of Ireland were produced digitally. I will outline some of the technical challenges of digitizing such boundaries. In making these maps, it is not only a question of drawing lines but mapping people’s understanding of their locality. Through an example of one part of the digitisation project, I want to talk about how verifying maps with local people often complicates something which may have at first sight seemed simple. The paper ends on a comparison with how other communities of interest are territorialised in Ireland and elsewhere to draw out some broader theoretical and theological issues of concern.

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Cilliní—or children’s burial grounds—were the designated resting places for unbaptized infants and other members of Irish society who were considered unsuitable by the Roman Catholic Church for burial in consecrated ground. The sites appear to have proliferated from the seventeenth century onwards in the wake of the Counter-Reformation. While a number of previous studies have attempted to relate their apparently marginal characteristics to the liminality of Limbo, evidence drawn from the archaeological record and oral history accounts suggests that it was only the Roman Catholic Church that considered cilliní, and those interred within, to be marginal. In contrast, the evidence suggests that the families of the dead regarded the cemeteries as important places of burial and treated them in a similar manner to consecrated burial grounds.

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Transforming Post-Catholic Ireland is the first major book to explore the dynamic religious landscape of contemporary Ireland, north and south, and to analyse the island’s religious transition. It confirms that the Catholic Churchs long-standing ‘monopoly’ has well and truly disintegrated, replaced by a mixed, post-Catholic religious ‘market’ featuring new and growing expressions of Protestantism, as well as other religions. It describes how people of faith are developing ‘extra-institutional’ expressions of religion, keeping their faith alive outside or in addition to the institutional Catholic Church.

Drawing on island-wide surveys of clergy and laypeople, as well as more than 100 interviews, this book describes how people of faith are engaging with key issues such as increased diversity, reconciliation to overcome the island’s sectarian past, and ecumenism. It argues that extra-institutional religion is especially well-suited to address these and other issues due to its freedom and flexibility when compared to traditional religious institutions. It describes how those who practice extra-institutional religion have experienced personal transformation, and analyses the extent that they have contributed to wider religious, social, and political change. On an island where religion has caused much pain, from clerical sexual abuse scandals, to sectarian violence, to a frosty reception for some immigrants, those who practice their faith outside traditional religious institutions may hold the key to transforming post-Catholic Ireland into a more reconciled society.

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Henry Haight Collier, was born in Howard, Steuben County, N. Y., November 28, 1818. His father, Richard Collier, was from Green County, in the same State. His grandfather, Isaac Collier, and his great-grandfather were originally from England. His mother, Mary Haight, was of Dutch origin. In 1835, Henry went to St. Catharines, where his elder brother, Richard Collier, resided. He spent two years at Grantham Academy, and then returned to Steuben County, to read law in Bath, with Edward Howell, and subsequently with Hammond and Campbell. Mr. Collier never opened a law office. He studied law for two years and in 1839 he went to Texas where he was connected with the State and Treasury Departments. In 1845 Mr. Collier returned to St. Catharines and opened a general store called St. Catharines Agricultural Works with his brother. The store remained open until May, 1877. He added the manufacturing of lumber in 1850, and manufacturing of agricultural implements in 1869. He built one of the first saw mills on the canal, on Lock No. 5, in St. Catharines. In July, 1877, he was appointed Collector of Customs. He became a Village Councilor for St. Paul’s Ward in 1859, and held that office from fifteen to twenty years. He was Deputy Reeve and member of the County Council for two terms. He was the Mayor of St. Catharines in 1872 and 1873. He was also Chairman of the Board of Water Commissioners of the city, during the time that the works were being built. He was a Justice of the Peace for twenty years or more. Mr. Collier was affiliated with the Reform Party and he was a Knight Templar in the Masonic fraternity and an Odd Fellow. He was also active in the Methodist Church. On June 1, 1858, he married Cornelia, daughter of Moses Cook, of "Westchester Place," St. Catharines, and had a daughter and son. Mary J. (married name: Mrs. Frank Camp) was a graduate of the Female Seminary at Hamilton, and Henry Herbert was a student in the University of Toronto. Henry H. Collier died on July 15, 1895 and is buried in Victoria Lawn Cemetery, St. Catharines, Ontario. Sources: www.accessgeneology.com "Historical Profiles from Victoria Lawn Cemetery" by Paul E. Lewis "Sincerely Lamented St. Catharines Obituaries 1817-1918" by Paul Hutchison

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This collection contains 7 church programs and brochures, ranging in date from 1937 to 1994. There are programs for church services at Knox Presbyterian Church, St. Catharines (May 9, 1937); St. Catherine of Alexandria Cathedral, St. Catharines (July 28, 1968) ; Memorial United Church, Ridgeway (October 15, 1972); Salem Chapel, British Methodist Episcopal Church, St. Catharines (November 30, 1986); and Ridley College Memorial Chapel, St. Catharines (December 3 & 4, 1994). There is also a brochure of activities offered at St. Paul Street United Church, St. Catharines (1986), and a development fund appeal brochure for the Cathedral of St. Catherine, St. Catharines (1985).

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Letter to S.D. Woodruff regarding the pew formerly occupied by Mrs. Helliwell which will be rented after July 1st and “you will be relieved of your rent as requested”. This is signed by P. H. Guiton, church warden, July 5, 1881.

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La politique extérieure canadienne en regard de la Guerre civile espagnole fut adoptée en juillet 1937. Le gouvernement canadien adopta une politique de neutralité analogue à celle pilotée par la Grande-Bretagne à travers le Comité de non-intevention. Il promulgua un embargo sur l’exportation d’armes de toutes sortes sur le territoire espagnol, et ce, aux deux belligérants. De plus, avec la Loi sur l’enrôlement à l’étranger, Ottawa criminalisa l’engagement volontaire sur toutes ses formes, plus particulièrement le Bataillon Mackenzie – Papineau, ramification canadienne des Brigades Internationales. Au Québec, cette guerre fut fortement ressentie. Les élites traditionnelles et le clergé catholique anathématisent le Front Populaire espagnol en l’assimilant au communisme soviétique, et se solidarisent avec leurs coreligionnaires espagnols. Selon Ernest Lapointe, bras droit de Mackenzie King au Québec, Ottawa doit tenir compte du courant conservateur chez les Québécois francophones afin de prévenir une crise domestique pouvant avoir des conséquences sur l’unité nationale. Mais la politique étrangère du Canada à l’égard du gouvernement républicain espagnol n’a que partiellement été influencée par la réaction clérico-nationaliste au Québec. Elle est bien davantage le résultat de l’alignement du Canada sur la politique étrangère britannique.

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Certains symptômes sont les indicateurs incontestés des très graves problèmes que connaît l’Église. S’ils existent aussi dans des confessions et des religions diverses, seuls seront examinés ici ceux qui concernent l’Église catholique. Parmi les plus significatifs figurent un fort déclin dans la participation à des activités religieuses comme les célébrations eucharistiques dominicales, surtout chez les jeunes, une pénurie presque catastrophique de prêtres ordonnés, une perte de prestige et d’influence de l’enseignement dispensé par l’Église. Ces symptômes varient en intensité selon les pays, mais les statistiques indiquent qu’ils se multiplient. Nombre de ces problèmes sont attribuables à l’extrême vélocité de changements qui surviennent partout et à l’apparente inaptitude de l’Église à s’adapter, en raison notamment de son attachement à la pensée néo-scolastique et à la tradition tridentine. Cette fidélité absolue à une tradition vieille de quatre cents ans l’empêche de se faire à un environnement en évolution rapide et radicale. Des changements appropriés s’imposent pratiquement partout dans l’Église. Or, pour que ceux-ci soient efficaces et respectueux de la nature propre de l’Église, la tradition est un guide qui ne suffit pas. S’appuyant sur les termes de l’encyclique Ecclesia de Eucharistia, « le moment décisif où elle (l’Église) a pris forme est certainement celui où a eu lieu l’institution de l’Eucharistie, dans la chambre à l’étage », la thèse présentée suit le plus près possible l’interprétation donnée aux paroles de Jésus, ceci est mon corps, telles qu’elles ont été prononcées la première fois. Selon cette évidence, il est permis d’affirmer que les caractéristiques définitoires de l’Église provenant de ces mots sont agape, unité, service. Tel doit être le principe directeur des changements. C’est sur une telle base que sont décrits les secteurs où les changements s’imposent ainsi que les aspects visés. Ces changements comprennent les points suivants : liturgie, sacrements, catéchèse, mystagogie, théologie, structure, gouvernance de l’Église et ses enseignements, évangélisation. Ces secteurs exigent des efforts sérieux dans la préparation des personnes touchées par ces changements et dans l’attention portée à l’exigence primordiale voulant qu’agape, unité et service soient les principes actifs et évidents régissant l’Église.

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Las Comunicadoras Eucarísticas del Padre Celestial son una comunidad religiosa católica (sociedad de vida apostólica de derecho diocesano), fundada en Colombia en el año 2004 por el sacerdote belga Antonio Lootens y la hermana colombiana Gabriela del Amor Crucificado; ésta comunidad nace con el fin de llevar el mensaje de Jesús a las personas, a través de los medios de comunicación masivos usados para la nueva evangelización: producción de programas televisivos y radiofónicos, creación y difusión de DVD’s participación en congresos, entre otros. Ante esta nueva iniciativa, las hermanas empiezan una gran labor evangelizadora dentro de la Iglesia produciendo diversos programas audiovisuales, pero es allí donde nace la dificultad de los recursos necesarios para ello; esto se debe a que la elaboración de dichas producciones implica un alto costo financiero, humano y técnico, y la comunidad no cuenta con los recursos financieros suficientes para lograrlo. Por ello, ésta investigación propone un modelo para la sostenibilidad económica de las Comunicadoras Eucarísticas del Padre Celestial en su etapa fundacional en Colombia en el año 2014, el cual al ser aplicado frecuentemente en la comunidad, le permite a ella ocuparse libremente de cumplir su carisma, sin preocuparse en cómo sostener sus necesidades básicas; así, se amplía día a día su labor evangelizadora en la Iglesia, a través de los medios de comunicación masivos. Aunque este modelo creado es aplicado inicialmente en las Comunicadoras Eucarísticas, podrá de igual manera ser adaptado y usado para otras comunidades religiosas dentro de la Iglesia, al igual que para otros organismos eclesiales tanto clericales como laicales, en los cuales se una la mística y la profesionalización.

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El ´aggiornamento´ de la Iglesia Católica con los signos de los tiempos, llevó a la institución eclesiástica a proponer, a la luz del Evangelio, soluciones cristianas para los problemas del género humano en el mundo moderno. El catolicismo se reconcilio así con el mundo moderno, trasladándose de su posición intransigente, propia del proceso de Romanización de la Iglesia Católica del siglo XIX, hacia una apertura de las ventanas de la Iglesia para que entrara el aire del mundo. Con el Concilio Ecuménico Vaticano II, la Iglesia posibilitó pensar en la existencia de un puente entre el catolicismo y la izquierda en Colombia, abriéndose al diálogo con visiones de mundo que tradicionalmente había rechazado. Con ello se fue cerrando la brecha entre el catolicismo y la orientación ideológica política de izquierda en el país, permitiendo pensar en la posibilidad de ser católico y de izquierda en el contexto político Colombiano.

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Angola vivia em guerra civil de 1989 a 2002, arco temporal que esta tese abrange. A minha investigação propôs-se estudar o impacto político das intervenções da Igreja Católica na pacificação do país. O papel que a Igreja desempenha na Paz deriva dos seus compromissos na luta a favor da Justiça. Para a fundamentação teórica aprofundei conceitos de Justiça, Paz, Política e Conflito, Cultura Banto, Teologias Africanas e Igreja Colonial, elementos que estão encadeados. O trabalho de campo incidiu sobre as Mensagens dos Bispos de Angola, Depoimentos e Eventos, Movimentos e Instituições, confirmando que as intervenções da Igreja Católica tiveram impacto político e foram decisivas para o fim da guerra civil, abrindo caminhos à reconciliação dos angolanos e à reconstrução das estruturas num país marcado por 27 anos de guerra civil. A Igreja Católica interveio a favor da Justiça e da Paz, sendo este trabalho legitimado pela coerência das suas posições e pelo reconhecimento, confiança e apoio por parte das populações. Este dado é confirmado por figuras independentes como é o caso do Presidente Eduardo dos Santos, do Dr. Jonas Savimbi e jornalistas e académicos citados. Num contexto de desequilíbrio total, as práticas da Igreja são reequilibradoras da Paz à custa da Justiça.

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In this brief essay I shall obviously draw from my reflections which I shared over the past three decades and to which I have provided some bibliographical references. It is clear from them that I had several opportunities to share my views beyond the Anglo-Saxon world, and some of them in events organized by K. Koschorke himself in the German academic circles as Munich-Freising Conferences. It is important that we do not get misled by words. We also need clarity of the concepts involved. Koschorke’s emphasis on “ploycentric structures” requires to be discussed and analysed critically to sort out its geographic components and its political-cultural implications, in order to be clear where lie the priorities. Without such exercise we will run the risk of hiding behind the ambiguity of words and concepts. My gut feelings make me believe that “polycentric structures” is just what the West needs in the postcolonial era to replace the control it has lost with decolonization.