Marianne Cohn

Report about Marianne Cohn, born 1922 in Mannheim, Germany, who was killed by German troops in 1944, when she tried to rescue refugee children in Annemasse, France.

Itsenäisen Suomen puolesta : Sotilaskomitea 1915-1918

For Independent Finland. The Military Committee 1915–1918 In the course of the First World War, several organizations were founded with the purpose of making Finland independent or, at least, restoring her autonomous status. The Military Committee was the most significant active independence organization in Finland in the First World War, in addition to the activist student movement, i.e., the Jaeger Movement. The Military Committee was an organization founded in 1915 by officers who had attended the Hamina Cadet School, with the goal of creating a national army for a liberation war against the Russian troops. It was believed that the liberation war should succeed only with the help of the German Army. With the situation in society continually tensing up in the autumn 1917, the Military Committee also had to figure on the possibility of a Civil War. The activities of the Military Committee started in the early part of 1915 when they were still small-scale, but they gained significant momentum after the Russian Revolution in March 1917. In January 1918, the Military Committee formed the general staff for the White Army, the Senate’s troops. The independence-related activities of the Hamina cadets in the years of the First World War were more extensive and multifaceted than has been believed heretofore. The work of the Military Committee was divided into preparations for a liberation war in Finland, on one hand, and in Stockholm and Berlin, on the other hand. In Finland, the Military Committee took part in intelligence gathering for Germany and in supporting the recruiting Jaegers, and later in founding the civil guard organization, in solving the law and order authorities issue, and finally in selecting the Commander-in-Chief for the Senate’s troops. The member of the Military Committee, especially Captain Hannes Ignatius of the Cavalry contributed greatly to the drafting of the independence activists’ national action plan in Stockholm in May 1917. This plan preceded the formation of the civil guard organization. The Military Committee’s role in founding the civil guards was initially minor, but in the fall of 1917, the Military Committee started to finance the activities of the civil guards, named several former officers as commanders of the civil guards and finally overtook the entire civil guard movement. In Stockholm and Berlin, the representatives of the Military Committee were in active contact with both the high command of the German Army and with the representatives of the Swedish Army. Colonel Nikolai Mexmontan, who was a representative of the Military Committee, collaborated with Swedish officers and Jaeger officers in Stockholm in coming up with comprehensive and detailed plans for starting the Liberation War. Under Mexmontan’s leadership, there were serious negotiations to enter into a confederation with Germany. Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Thesleff, on the other hand, became the commander of the Jaeger Battalion 27. The influence and importance of the Military Committee came to the forefront in independent and conflict-torn Finland. The Military Committee became a Senate committee on the 7th of January 1918, with its chairman, for all practical purposes, as the Commander-in-Chief in an eventual war. Lieutenant General Claes Charpentier was the chairman of the Military Committee from mid-December 1917 onwards, but on the 15th of January 1918 he had to resign in favour of Lieutenant General Gustaf Mannerheim. Soon after that, Mannerheim got an order from the chairman of the Senate P. E. Svinhufvud to organize and assume the leadership of the law and order authorities. The chairman of the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief of the Senate troops in January 1918, and the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief’s general staff. The Military Committee had turned from a clandestine organization into the first general staff of the independent Finnish Army.

The British Intervention in South Russia 1918-1920

Soon after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, a three-year civil war broke out in Russia. As in many other civil wars, foreign powers intervened in the conflict. Britain played a leading role in this intervention and had a significant effect on the course of the war. Without this intervention on the White side, the superiority of numbers in manpower and weaponry of the Bolsheviks would have quickly overwhelmed their opponents. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the nature and role of the British intervention on the southern, and most decisive, front of the Civil War. The political decision making in London is studied as a background, but the focus of the dissertation is on the actual implementation of the British policy in Russia. The British military mission arrived in South Russia in late 1918, and started to provide General Denikin s White army with ample supplies. General Denikin would have not been able to build his army of more than 200,000 men or to make his operation against Moscow without the British matériel. The British mission also organized the training and equipping of the Russian troops with British weapons. This made the material aid much more effective. Many of the British instructors took part in fighting the Bolsheviks despite the orders of their government. The study is based on primary sources produced by British departments of state and members of the British mission and military units in South Russia. Primary sources from the Whites, including the personal collections of several key figures of the White movement and official records of the Armed Forces of South Russia are also used to give a balanced picture of the course of events. It is possible to draw some general conclusions from the White movement and reasons for their defeat from the study of the British intervention. In purely material terms the British aid placed Denikin s army in a far more favourable position than the Bolsheviks in 1919, but other military defects in the White army were numerous. The White commanders were unimaginative, their military thinking was obsolete, and they were incapable of organizing the logistics of their army. There were also fundamental defects in the morale of the White troops. In addition to all political mistakes of Denikin s movement and a general inability to adjust to the complex situation in Revolutionary Russia, the Whites suffered a clear military defeat. In South Russia the Whites were defeated not because of the lack of British aid, but rather in spite of it.

Prevalência de transtornos mentais comuns : estresse no ambiente de trabalho e atividade física em militares

Esta tese inclui dois artigos que tiveram por objetivo investigar a relação de estresse no ambiente de trabalho com a prevalência de transtornos mentais comuns (TMC) e a relação de ambos com os níveis de prática de atividade física em militares do Exército Brasileiro. No primeiro artigo, a variável dependente foi TMC e a primeira variável independente foi o estresse no ambiente de trabalho, avaliado sob o modelo esforço-recompensa em desequilíbrio (effort-reward imbalance: ERI). TMC foram avaliados por meio do General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12). Foram estimadas razões de prevalência (RP) por regressão de Poisson para imprimir robustez aos intervalos de confiança (95%). A prevalência de TMC foi de 33,2% (IC95%:29,1;37,3). O estudo mostrou, após ajuste por idade, educação, renda, estilo de vida, autopercepção de saúde, agravos à saúde autorreferidos e características ocupacionais, que estresse no ambiente de trabalho estava forte e independentemente associado a TMC, exibindo razões de prevalências (RP) que variaram entre os níveis de estresse, oscilando de 1,60 a 2,01. O posto de tenente estava associado a TMC, mesmo após ajuste pelas covariáveis (RP = 2,06; IC95% 1,2 4,1). Os resultados indicaram que excesso de comprometimento é um componente importante do estresse no trabalho. Estes achados foram consistentes com a literatura e contribuem com o conhecimento sobre o estado de saúde mental dos militares das Forças Armadas no Brasil, destacando que o estresse no ambiente de trabalho e que o desempenho das funções ocupacionais, do posto de Tenente, podem significar risco maior para TMC nesse tipo de população. O segundo artigo teve por objetivo investigar a associação de estresse no ambiente de trabalho e TMC com a prática de atividade física habitual entre militares das Forças Armadas. A atividade física (variável dependente) foi estimada por meio do Questionário de Baecke, um dos instrumentos mais utilizados em estudos epidemiológicos sobre atividade física. Estresse no ambiente de trabalho, TMC e posto foram as variáveis independentes, avaliadas conforme descrição mencionada acima. Buscou-se avaliar a associação destas variáveis e com a prática de atividade física no pessoal militar. Para tanto, utilizou-se o método de regressão linear múltipla, via modelos lineares generalizados. Após controlar por características socioeconomicas e demográficas, estresse no ambiente de trabalho, caracterizado por "altos esforços e baixa recompensas", permaneceu associado a mais atividade física ocupacional (b = 0,224 IC95% 0,098; 0,351) e a menos atividade física no lazer (b = -0,198; IC95% -0,384; -0,011). TMC permaneceram associados a menores níveis de atividade física nos esportes/exercícios no lazer (b = -0,184; IC95% -0,321; -0,046). Posto permaneceu associado a maiores níveis de atividade física ocupacional (b = 0,324 IC95% 0,167; 0,481). Até onde se sabe, este foi o primeiro estudo a avaliar a relação de aspectos psicossociais e ocupacionais envolvidos na prática de atividade física em militares no Brasil e no exterior. Os resultados sugerem que o ambiente de trabalho e a saúde mental estão associados à prática de atividade física de militares, que se relaciona com a condição de aptidão física.

A Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, das invasões corsárias ao governo de Luis Vahia Monteiro (1710 a 1732): uma história de conflitos pelo uso do território colonial.

As câmaras municipais constituíram-se em um dos mais notáveis mecanismos de manutenção do vasto império ultramarino português. Originavam-se dos antigos conselhos medievais, aglutinavam os interesses das elites coloniais ao serem compostas pelos homens bons da colônia, detinham considerável poder sobre a sociedade local além de terem a liberdade de representar ao rei de Portugal seus anseios ou dificuldades. Paralelo, ao poder do senado da câmara municipal, encontravam-se as autoridades nomeadas pelo rei de Portugal: governadores coloniais. Este compartilhamento do poder na colônia gerava, muitas vezes, conflitos entre a câmara municipal e os funcionários régios. No Rio de Janeiro, setecentista, vários fatores internos e externos à colônia deterioraram as relações entre os governadores coloniais e os membros do senado.Tal situação agrava-se com as incursões corsárias francesas de 1710 e 1711 que demonstraram a fragilidade do império português que há muito deixara de ter um poder naval significativo, perdendo espaços para potências como a França, Inglaterra e Holanda. Incapaz de conter os inimigos no vasto oceano, desprovido de meios navais capazes de patrulhar os litorais de suas colônias na África, Ásia e América, em especial o do Brasil, o império português dependia cada vez mais dos recursos humanos de suas colônias para a manutenção do seu território ultramarino. A corte portuguesa sofreu duro impacto com a conquista da cidade do Rio de Janeiro por Duguay-Trouin e, ao longo dos próximos anos, procurou fortalecer o sistema defensivo de sua colônia com o envio de tropas e navios além da construção de novas fortalezas e o reaparelhamento do sistema defensivo já existente.Todo este esforço para a guerra era bancado, em sua maior parte, com recursos da própria colônia do Rio de Janeiro. Obviamente este ônus não agradava a incipiente elite mercantil que florescia na colônia resultando no fato de que a política de enclausurar o Rio de Janeiro entre muralhas e fortificações, ás custas da economia colonial, colocou em campos opostos os funcionários do rei e os membros do senado por várias vezes nas primeiras décadas do século XVIII. Surgiram inevitáveis conflitos pelo uso e posse do território urbano do Rio de Janeiro cada vez mais pontilhado por fortalezas, sulcado por extensas valas e trincheiras a impedir-lhe o crescimento urbano. Além do conflito territorial, em função da expansão da atividade mercantil desenvolvida pelos colonos, as disputas comerciais envolveram as elites locais, ávidas por lucros e impulsionadas ao comércio devido à descoberta do ouro na região das Minas, e as autoridades e comerciantes lusos, uns querendo controlar a atividade comercial que crescia em acelerado ritmo, outros querendo lucrar e disputar espaços com as elites coloniais locais. No meio destes embates encontrava-se a Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, objetivo maior desta pesquisa, a defender os interesses das elites da colônia, pois delas era representante. Era uma disputa em que, muitas vezes, seus membros pagaram com a perda da liberdade e dos seus bens frente a governadores coloniais mais intolerantes

Os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático

Há um crescente interesse da comunidade epistêmica de internacionalistas sobre a posição da política externa brasileira em diversos temas, particularmente sobre o modo pelo qual o Brasil atua nas operações de paz promovidas pelas Nações Unidas. Desse modo, este trabalho pretende refletir criticamente sobre a existência de um modelo histórico e legítimo que orienta a participação brasileira nessas operações de paz e avaliar de que forma esse modelo brasileiro foi ou poderia ser instrumentalizado pelos formuladores de política externa, para construir um discurso de legitimidade a fim de conquistar seus pleitos diplomáticos.O objeto de pesquisa analisado nesta dissertação é, portanto, o modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz nas quais o Brasil efetivamente enviou tropas: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Moçambique (1993-1994), Timor Leste (1999-2002) e Haiti (2004-2012). Esse modelo formulado está apoiado em seis características principais, os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático.

基于3自由度并联机器人的船载炮6维运动模拟系统

本文系统基于3自由度并联机器人和3维图形仿真实现了空间6维运动的模拟，构造了一种3自由度并联机构来模拟船的3维转动，并给出了并联平台的运动学逆解，采用图形仿真虚拟作战环境，模拟船的3维移动，并分析了图形驱动原因。

基于并联机器人的船载炮半物理仿真试验系统研究

20世纪90年代以来，并联机器人被广为注意，成了机器人技术新的热点。并联机器人技术被广泛地应用在工业、航天、航海等领域，尤其是并联机床，佩一出现就引起了广泛的关注，被称为是“21世纪的机床”，“20世纪机床首次革命性改型”。为了提高船载炮射击训练效益，解决船载炮兵训练的保障问题，同时也为船载炮兵训练的保障工作探索新的路子，提出研制基于并联机器人的船载炮半物理仿真试验系统，使训练可以不受天气、场地的限制。本系统采用模拟船、操瞄炮等设备与计算机图形虚拟技术相结合的方式组成船载炮半物理仿真试验系统。系统既要虚拟船载炮的作战环境，又要实现船在海浪中的6维运动。采用3自由度并联机器人平台构建模拟船，实现船的3维转动；采用计算机仿真虚拟作战环境，并实现船的3维移动。本文介绍了整个系统的软硬件构成，硬件从三自由度并联机构的运动学到控制系统的结构，软件从形成虚拟视景的图形驱动原理到主程序界面，最后展示了系统的硬件实物和软件界面的照片。基于并联机器人的船载炮半物理仿真试验系统具有以下特点：1．采用变频调速技术，研制了三自由度并联机构模拟系统，实现了船炮平台的运动模拟，使系统具有负载能力强、成本低、性能可靠等特点。2.整个系统由计算机图形分系统、动态数据采集与处理分系统、船的运动模拟分系统等组成，实现了船载炮兵射击指挥和火炮操作的模拟训练。 3．应用了多传感器信息融合技术，实现了多信息实时处理，达到了实时仿真的要求。系统能够实时检测船姿态和火炮操作状态等信息，评价射击效果。4.采用三自由度的旋转模拟与图像三自由度的平移运动相结合的方法，实现了六自由度的炮目相对运动模拟效果。该系统可用于模拟炮兵部队实施渡海登陆作战，对岸防目标、海上目标射击和指挥训练。完成船载炮兵的火炮操瞄和射击指挥的教学、训练及考核任务。

穿甲弹发射故障的动态诊断

对某研制阶段的高膛压火炮发射穿甲弹研究发现,当静强度安全系数较大时多次发生断弹事故,这说明此时动强度已成为主要矛盾,应用模态实验技术研究了脱壳穿甲弹动态特性,获得了该脱壳穿甲弹结构模态参数,模态分析方法所获得的动态薄弱截面位置与试验弹断弹情况相吻合,为其发射故障诊断提供了实验依据。

Piechota na wschodnim teatrze działań wojny secesyjnej

Wydział Historyczny

Shifting Loyalties: World War I and the Conflicted Politics of Patriotism in the British Caribbean

This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty.

To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era.

This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region.

This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.

Archaeological Excavations at 18AP14: The Victualling Warehouse Site, 77 Main Street, Annapolis, Maryland, 1982 - 1984

The Victualling Warehouse Site, located at 77 Main Street in Annapolis, Maryland, was excavated by Archaeology in Annapolis during the summers of 1982 and 1983 and the fall of 1984. Funding was provided by Historic Annapolis, Incorporated (now Historic Annapolis Foundation), the University of Maryland, the Maryland Committee for the Humanities, and the Maryland Commission on the Capital City. This site has been used for commercial and residential purposes since the 1740's. During the Revolution the warehouses were used as a victualling office to supply American troops. A fire in 1970 destroyed these buildings and the present structure, also used as a store, was built about twenty years later. Over the three years of excavation, a total of 36 5 foot by 5 foot units were excavated revealing several features, including the foundations of one of the eighteenth century warehouses.

Key issues in the study of new and alternative social movements in Spain: The Left, Identity and Globalizing Processes

This article highlights the importance of dedicating a whole special issue on New and Alternative Social movements in Spain. It sets the basis for this endeavour by emphasizing the importance of the 2004, unexpected, electoral victory of the Spanish socialists, and the subsequent satisfaction of the important demands promoted by certain social movements actors and Spanish society in general (the withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq, the cancellation of the National Hydrological Plan and the Legalization of same sex marriages. The view supported is that these developments signify the end of a protest cycle, which could have the same effect with the early 1980s socialist victory. After a discussion around the low associationalism that characterizes Spanish society and recent experience of authoritarianism, it is suggested that it is time for the study of new and alternative social movements in Spain and other south European societies to move beyond the emphasis on exceptionality but appreciate differences by focusing on the available political opportunities and the identity of social movement actors. The remainder of the article is dedicated to introducing the contributing articles.

Monkey mountain as a megazoo: analysing the naturalistic claims of “wild monkey parks” in Japan

In Japan yaen koen or ‘wild monkey parks’ are popular visitor attractions that show free-ranging monkey troops to the paying public. Unlike zoos, which display animals through confinement, monkey parks control the movements of the monkeys through provisioning. The parks project an image of themselves as ‘natural zoos’, claiming to practice a more authentic form of wild animal display than that practiced by the zoo. This article critically evaluates the monkey park’s claim by examining park management of the monkeys. The monkey park’s claim to display ‘wild monkeys’ is shown to be questionable because of the way that provisioning changes monkey behaviour. Against the background of human encroachment onto the forest habitat of the monkey, the long-term effect of provisioning is to sedentarize what were nomadic monkeys and to turn the ‘wild monkey park’ into a megazoo.

Sleeping site selection by the golden-handed tamarin Saguinus midas midas: The role of predation risk, proximity to feeding sites, and territorial defence

Tamarin monkeys, of the genus Saguinus, spend over half their lives at arboreal sleeping sites. The decision as to which site to use is likely to have considerable fitness consequences. These decisions about sleeping sites by three troops of golden-handed tamarin Saguinus midas midas were examined over a 9-mo period at a rainforest site in French Guiana. Data are presented on the physical nature of sleeping sites, their number, position within home ranges, and pattern of use and reuse, aspects of behaviour at retirement and egress, and predation attempts on the study troops. Cumulative plot analysis indicated that a tamarin troop used 30-40 sleeping sites in a 100-day period, approximately half of which were used very infrequently, so that consecutive reuse was never greater than three nights. Sleeping trees were superior in architectural parameters and liana weight to non-sleeping trees. There were no more sleeping sites than expected within the home range boundary region of the tamarins or in areas of overlap with the home ranges of neighbouring troops. Tamarins selected sleeping sites nearest to the last feeding site of the day on 25% of occasions. The study troops engaged in a number of activities that may reduce predation risk; raptor attacks on the study troops over 9 mo were frequent but unsuccessful. Tamarins often visited a sleeping site several hours before arrival, and were more likely to visit a site before use if they had not used it recently. The decision to select a sleeping site therefore involved knowledge of the previous frequency of use of that site.