Apuntes sobre el Instituto Provincial de Granada, Padre Suárez, y el evolucionismo.

Monográfico con el título: 'Profesorado de enseñanza secundaria, memoria y patrimonio'. Resumen basado en el de la publicación

Ajustes y actualización del Plan de Desarrollo Provincial del Cañar

Tiene como propósito realizar ajustes y actualización al Plan de Desarrollo de la Provincia del Cañar, partiendo de una premisa de que la planificación no es un fin sino un medio para el cumplimiento de la misión y el logro de la visión que se trazan tanto los actores sociales como institucionales. La planificación, es un proceso dinámico que inicia con un diagnóstico, y a partir de allí se definen propuestas de solución que requieren del análisis de una viabilidad para su implementación, esto definirá el éxito en la ejecución, siempre y cuando se acompañe con un proceso de monitoreo y evaluación; y, de allí avanzamos con un nuevo análisis de la realidad; y así sucesivamente el proceso continúa. Tanto el gobierno central como los gobiernos seccionales, requieren de un plan de desarrollo que guíe las acciones a realizarse, toda vez que el fin último es mejorar la calidad de vida de sus habitantes, en este sentido los gobiernos provinciales, deben valerse de una herramienta muy importante como es el plan de desarrollo provincial, esto permitirá una correcta asignación y distribución de los recursos, que vaya en beneficio de los actores sociales de la provincia. El diagnóstico en los planes provinciales es un elemento clave para trazar los objetivos, la visión de desarrollo, las líneas estratégicas, principios, ejes de gestión, programas, la misión y sus interrelaciones; por lo tanto de la calidad y confiabilidad de la información que contenga el diagnóstico, dependerá la calidad y eficacia de los programas y proyectos que se propongan en los planes de desarrollo. El monitoreo y evaluación, es fundamental en el proceso de planificación, pues permite confrontar lo planificado con lo ejecutado y de esta manera realizar las correcciones y/o ajustes necesarios para garantizar el cumplimiento de los objetivos propuestos; por lo tanto, el monitoreo es un proceso contínuo, que logra que el plan no se quede solamente en percepciones de la realidad; sino una realidad concreta. Por la importancia del tema, se ha propuesto ajustar y actualizar el Plan de Desarrollo Provincial del Cañar, a fin de que se convierta en una herramienta práctica de trabajo para todos los actores sociales de la provincia. Esperamos la apropiación del plan, toda vez que es resultado de un trabajo colectivo con los actores sociales e institucionales; discusiones con técnicos de las municipalidades y consejo provincial; y, aportes de expertos en el tema. Contar con el plan de desarrollo provincial permite a la administración provincial disponer de una herramienta importante para la gerencia del Gobierno Provincial, pues orienta la gestión de la provincia hacia el mejoramiento de la calidad de vida de los habitantes de la Provincia del Cañar.

El legado de Cádiz: ciudadanía y cultura política en la Gobernación de Cuenca, 1812-1814 (Estudios)

Este trabajo analiza el legado de las Cortes de Cádiz y de la Constitución de 1812 en Cuenca entre 1812 y 1814. Estudia los principales cambios políticos relacionados con los derechos de diversos actores sociales, así como el rompimiento de antiguas formas de relación social. Los cambios políticos se relacionaron con la introducción de nuevos conceptos y prácticas como ciudadanía, soberanía, elección y representación, tanto en el mundo criollomestizo como en el indígena (población cañari) de la provincia. Se analiza la abolición del tributo indígena, el servicio personal y la mita, además se estudian algunos cambios administrativopolíticos como la creación de los ayuntamientos constitucionales, las diputaciones provinciales y nacionales.

Free and Fair? A Challenge for the EU as Georgia and Ukraine gear up for elections. CEPS Commentary, 27 September 2012

In an important test for democracy, Georgia and Ukraine will go to the polls for parliamentary elections on the 1st and 28th of October, respectively. The political leaders of these two Eastern Partnership countries have committed themselves to European values and principles – rhetorically. In reality, the promise of their colour revolutions is unrealised and they have shifted further towards authoritarianism, albeit following different paths in their respective post-revolution periods.

Studentification and 'apprentice' gentrifiers within Britain's provincial towns and cities: extending the meaning of gentrification

This paper focuses on processes of studentification, and explores the link between higher education students and contemporary provincial gentrification. The paper provides two main, interconnected, contributions to advance debates on gentrification. First, the discussion appeals for wider temporal analyses of the lifecourses of gentrifiers to trace the formation and reconfiguration of the cultural and residential predilections of gentrifiers across time and space. With this in mind, it is argued that there is a need to rethink the role of students within the constraints of third-wave gentrification, and to consider how 'student experiences' may influence the current and future residential geographies of young gentrifiers within provincial urban locations. Drawing upon recent studies of studentification, it is asserted that this profound expression of urban change is indicative of gentrification. Second, the paper advances Clark's recent call to extend the term gentrification to embrace the wider dominant hallmarks and tendencies of urban transformations. Controversially, in light of a deepening institutionalisation of gentrification, we contend that gentrification can be most effectively employed at a revised conceptual level to act as a referent of the common outcomes of a breadth of processes of change.

Support for the far right in the 2014 European Parliament Elections: a comparative perspective

The May 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections were characterised by the success of far-right Eurosceptic parties, including the French Front National, UKIP, the Danish People’s Party, the Hungarian Jobbik, the Austrian FPÖ, the True Finns and the Greek Golden Dawn. However, a closer look at the results across Europe indicates that the success of far-right parties in the EP elections is neither a linear nor a clear-cut phenomenon: (1) the far right actually declined in many European countries compared to the 2009 results; (2) some of the countries that have experienced the worst of the economic crisis, including Spain, Portugal and Ireland, did not experience a significant rise in far-right party support; and (3) ‘far right’ is too broad an umbrella term, covering parties that are too different from each other to be grouped in one single party family.

Radical left-wing Euroscepticism in the 2014 elections: a cross-European comparison

This article examines the varied performance of radical left-wing Eurosceptic parties during the 2014 EP elections. While the performance of the radical right during this 'earthquake' election has been widely discussed, little attention has been paid to the radical left. The article examines the result comparatively, and identifies that: (1) across Europe, radical left-wing euroscepticism is limited to few countries, including Greece, Cyprus, France and Portugal; (2) the countries that have experienced the worst of the economic crisis did not experience a significant rise in far right-wing party support but did experience the rise of left-wing euroscepticism; (3) from this sample only Greece experienced the rise of both the radical right and radical left.

The rise of the far right in debtor and creditor European countries: the case of European Parliament elections

While the 2014 European Parliament elections were marked by the rise of far right-wing parties, the different patterns of support that we observe across Europe and across time are not directly related to the economic crisis. Indeed, economic hardship seems neither sufficient nor necessary for the rise of such parties to occur. Using the cross-national results for the 2004, 2009 and 2014 EP elections in order to capture time and country variations, we posit the economy affects the rise of far right-wing parties in more complex ways. Specifically, we compare the experience of high debt countries (the ‘debtors’) and the others (the ‘creditors’) and explore the relationship between far right-wing party success on the one hand, and unemployment, inequality, immigration, globalization and the welfare state on the other hand. Our discussion suggests there might be a trade off between budgetary stability and far right-wing party support, but the choice between Charybdis and Scylla may be avoided if policy makers carefully choose which policies should bear the brunt of the fiscal adjustment.

Risks, costs and labour markets: explaining cross-national patterns of far right party success in European Parliament elections

What is the impact of the economy on cross national variation in far right-wing party support? This paper tests several hypotheses from existing literature on the results of the last three EP elections in all EU member states. We conceptualise the economy affects support because unemployment heightens the risks and costs that the population faces, but this is crucially mediated by labour market institutions. Findings from multiple regression analyses indicate that unemployment, real GDP growth, debt and deficits have no statistically significant effect on far right-wing party support at the national level. By contrast, labour markets influence costs and risks: where unemployment benefits and dismissal regulations are high, unemployment has no effect, but where either one of them is low, unemployment leads to higher far right-wing party support. This explains why unemployment has not led to far right-wing party support in some European countries that experienced the 2008 Eurozone crisis.