Conceptualizing American power and security in a post -9/11 security context: Conflict, resistance, and global security, 2001–present

In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

Conceptualizing American power and security in a post-9/11 security context : conflict, resistance, and global security, 2001-present

In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

Australia, the United States and a 'China growing strong': managing conflict avoidance

How to deal with a rising China constitutes one of the most seminal challenges facing the ANZUS alliance since its inception a half a century ago. Australia must reconcile its geography and economic interests in Asia with its post-war strategic and historic cultural orientation towards the United States. It must succeed in this policy task without alienating either Beijing or Washington in the process. The extent to which this is achieved will shape Australia's national security posture for decades to come. Three specific components of the 'Sino-American-Australian' triangle are assessed here: the future of Taiwan, the American development of a National Missile Defence (NMD), and the interplay between Sino-American power balancing and multilateral security politics. The policy stakes for Australia and for the continued viability of ANZUS are high in all three policy areas as a new US Administration takes office in early 2001. The article concludes that Australia's best interest is served by applying deliberate modes of decisionmaking in its own relations with both China and the US and by facilitating consistent and systematic dialogue and consultations with both of those great powers on key strategic issues.

The Greatest lover: a post-colonial rewriting of My Fair Lady

INTRODUCTION The popular Hong Kong comedy, The Greatest Lover, re-incarnates one of the most popular western musicals, My Fair Lady. OBJECTIVES 1. To find out in what major ways My Fair Lady was rewritten as the Hong Kong Cantonese movie, Gungzi Docing (The Greatest Lover). 2. To find out the socio-political, socio-linguistic, and gender ideology behind the rewriting. METHODOLOGY 1. To note the similarity of the themes for both works – a creator falling in love with his/her creation, and class prejudice and cross-class romance. 2. To note how the times of The Greatest Lover differ from that of My Fair Lady. 3. To note how the main characters in The Greatest Lover differ from My Fair Lady in terms of profession, gender, etc. 4. To note how the plot of The Greatest Lover differs from that of My Fair Lady. 5. To note how focus on language in The Greatest Lover compares with that in My Fair Lady. 6. To discuss the ideological implications of the differences noted above, e.g. women in Hong Kong today have much higher status than women in Victorian England; the conflict between local Hong Kong people and both legal and illegal immigrants from Mainland China is even more serious than that between the British upper middle class and the lower class during the Victorian period. 7. Andre Lefevere (1992) argues that translation and adaptation are rewriting informed and influenced by the rewriter’s ideology, among other things. 8. Both Aline Remael (1995) and Patrick Cattrysse (1992) think that film adaptation is a kind of translation. 9. Sirkkus Aaltonen (2000) argues that drama translation mirrors the ideologies of the target society. CONCLUSION 1. The Greatest Lover projects local cultural significance onto My Fair Lady by helping us to appreciate an important Western work of art through the Hong Kong Cantonese perspective. 2. Broader issues in translation and intercultural studies are also considered.

Continuidade e mudança. O sistema internacional no post‐Guerra Fria

O fim da Guerra Fria é um caso inédito de mudança pacífica da estrutura internacional, em que os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética transcendem a divisão bipolar para decidir os termos da paz no quadro das instituições que definem o modelo de ordenamento multilateral, consolidando a sua legitimidade. Nesse contexto, ao contrário dos casos precedentes de reconstrução internacional no fim de uma guerra hegemónica, o novo sistema do post-Guerra Fria, caracterizado pela unipolaridade, pela regionalização e pela homogeneização, forma-se num quadro de continuidade institucional. A ordem política do post-Guerra Fria é um sistema misto em que as tensões entre a hierarquia unipolar e a anarquia multipolar, a integração global e a fragmentação regional e a homogeneidade e a heterogeneidade política, ideológica e cultural condicionam as estratégias das potências. As crises internacionais vão pôr à prova a estabilidade da nova ordem e a sua capacidade para garantir mudanças pacíficas. A primeira década do post-Guerra Fria mostra a preponderância dos Estados Unidos e a sua confiança crescente, patente nas Guerras do Golfo Pérsico e dos Balcãs, bem como na crise dos Estreitos da Formosa. A reacção aos atentados do "11 de Setembro" revela uma tentação imperial da potência unipolar, nomeadamente com a invasão do Iraque, que provoca uma crise profunda da comunidade de segurança ocidental. A vulnerabilidade do centro da ordem internacional é confirmada pela crise constitucional europeia e pela crise financeira global. Essas crises não alteram a estrutura de poder mas aceleram a erosão da ordem multilateral e criam um novo quadro de possibilidades para a evolução internacional, que inclui uma escalada dos conflitos num quadro de multipolaridade regional, uma nova polarização entre as potências democráticas conservadoras e uma coligação revisionista autoritária, bem como a restauração de um concerto entre as principais potências internacionais.

Post-divorce representations of marital negotiation during marriage predict parenting alliance in newly divorced parents

Literature demonstrates that marital and co-parenting subsystems are intercorrelated and have autonomous functions in the family system. This study explored representations of marital negotiation strategies for conflict resolution during marriage and parenting alliance relationship after divorce, using data from Portuguese newly divorced parents. In multiple regression analysis, representations of marital negotiation strategies for conflict resolution during marriage used by ex-spouses predict positive parenting alliance relationship after divorce. These results suggest that representations of pre-divorce marital relationship influence positively current interparental relationship regarding child rearing after marital dissolution. Implications for clinical interventions are also discussed.

Evolution of reduced post-copulatory molecular interactions in Drosophila populations lacking sperm competition.

In many species with internal fertilization, molecules transferred in the male ejaculate trigger and interact with physiological changes in females. It is controversial to what extent these interactions between the sexes act synergistically to mediate the female switch to a reproductive state or instead reflect sexual antagonism evolved as a by product of sexual selection on males. To address this question, we eliminated sexual selection by enforcing monogamy in populations of Drosophila melanogaster for 65 generations and then measured the expression of male seminal fluid protein genes and genes involved in the female response to mating. In the absence of sperm competition, male and female reproductive interests are perfectly aligned and any antagonism should be reduced by natural selection. Consistent with this idea, males from monogamous populations showed reduced expression of seminal fluid protein genes, 16% less on average than in polygamous males. Further, we identified 428 genes that responded to mating in females. After mating, females with an evolutionary history of monogamy exhibited lower relative expression of genes that were up regulated in response to mating and higher expression of genes that were down-regulated - in other words, their post-mating transcriptome appeared more virgin-like. Surprisingly, these genes showed a similar pattern even before mating, suggesting that monogamous females evolved to be less poised for mating and the accompanying receipt of male seminal fluid proteins. This reduced investment by both monogamous males and females in molecules involved in post-copulatory interactions points to a pervasive role of sexual conflict in shaping these interactions.

Europeanisation and Conflict Resolution: The Case of Cyprus

This paper investigates the example of Cyprus as a case study for the Europeanisation of conflict resolution. The argument advanced is that the European Union (EU) impacts the positions of the parts of the conflict (here, Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots and Turkey) but not always towards the resolution of the dispute and compliance with EU conditionality. Conformity with EU conditionality depends on its credibility, which is decreased by the internalisation of the conflict into the EU. In this context, this work contributes to the discussion on Europeanisation and the aptitude of the EU in conflict resolution as well as the role of the EU in the Cyprus conflict during the post-accession years.

Broad reduction and adoption in ring-billed gulls (Larus Delaworensis): the potential for inergenerational conflict

Patterns of intra-clutch egg size variation and intra-clutch hatch intervals in the Ring-billed gull (Larus delawarensis) were documented during the peak nesting period of two consecutive breeding seasons, at a colony near Port Colborne, Ontario. Egg size decreased with laying order; third laid eggs were significantly smaller than first laid eggs. Hatching of the third egg was delayed from that of first and second eggs. Intraclutch egg size differences established initial size disparities among chicks at hatch. Hatch intervals further exaggerated size disparities during the early post brood completion period. Competitive asymmetries among chicks were associated with increased mortality rates among third hatched chicks despite the lack of evidence of a sibling feeding hierarchy. Fledging success in 1987 was greater than in 1988. A "brood reduction strategy" appears to have enabled parents in 1987, to obtain an extra unit of reproductive fitness, while in 1988 parents were often unable to raise the entire brood and third chicks likely represented insurance reproductive value. Experimental broods (1988) were created in which hatch intervals were double those of natural intervals. The size disparities among chicks were significantly greater than in control broods, and the pattern of mortality among chicks suggested that first chicks benefited at a cost to second and third chicks. Parents of peak experimental broods achieved a fledging success rate similar to that of control broods. Characteristics of chick adoptions were also recorded. In each study year, 9 chicks abandoned their natal territories, 6 of which were adopted. Chicks consistently established themselves into broods where they were older than resident chicks. No direct evidence of cost to foster parents, or benefits to adopted chicks was obtained, although fledging success of adopted chicks was high.

Exploring the Family Context Among Children Adopted From China: Perceptions of Pre-Adoption Factors, Post-Adoption Experiences, and the Quality of Parent-Child Relationships

Within the context of international adoption, previous research has focused on parentchild attachment relationships and various aspects of the adoption process. However, less is known about other aspects of parent-child relationships (e.g., cohesion, conflict) within internationally adoptive families. Additionally, there is a need for research that explores both parent and child perceptions of the process of adoption - including pre- and post-adoptive factors - and its connection to the quality of parent-child relationships. This research utilized a qualitatively-oriented methodology to conduct separate, in-depth interviews with 10 adoptive Canadian mothers and their adopted Chinese children (aged 9 to 11 years). Results highlight parent and child reports of mainly strong, positive relationships. Several pre-adoption experiences are examined, including institutionalization, age at the time of adoption, and parental stress/expectations. A key finding concerns the link that adoptive parents perceive between the quality of their child's pre-adoptive care (i.e., mainly early institutionalized care) and the quality of their relationship. Interestingly, this link is perceived in two different ways - either as a challenge for the parent-child relationship or as a means to strengthen it. Post-adoption experiences are also explored, including cultural socialization, creating a transracial family, discussing adoption, parental stress, and sibling involvement. A key finding involves parent and child reports that cultural socialization efforts (i.e., familiarizing children with Chinese culture) are linked to more positive parent-child relationships. The implications of these findings are discussed in relation to theory and practice within the context of international adoption.

Des femmes se souviennent, d'autres se taisent : incorporation et transmission de la mémoire post-conflictuelle : le cas de Cayara, Pérou.

Le Pérou a sombré pendant vingt ans dans un climat de violence politique, opposant des groupes subversifs, comme le Sentier Lumineux, à l’armée péruvienne. Ce conflit a causé la disparition de 70 000 personnes, majoritairement des paysans andins quechuaphone. Poussés à fuir pour survivre, ils ont dû abandonner leurs terres pour migrer dans des centres urbains où l’adaptation n’a pas toujours été facile. C'est pourquoi on remarque, dès les années 90, avec la mise en place d'une politique de repeuplement par Fujimori, un retour des paysans dans leur communauté. Le retour, et par conséquent le déplacement, ont généré une nouvelle dynamique dans les communautés et perturbé les relations sociales. Les liens de confiance ont été rompus, les liens sociaux brisés et sont remplacés par un ressentiment qui déstructure l’organisation des communautés et principalement celle de Cayara. Le traumatisme pesant incite les Cayarinos au silence. Un silence qui ne peut être associé à l’oubli, mais qui a pour fonction de protéger les générations futures des horreurs du passé. Tout traitement de la souffrance causé par la violence suppose une politique de la mémoire. À cette mémoire silencieuse, que je qualifierai de traumatique s’oppose une mémoire active qui opère dans la ville d'Ayacucho. Les hommes représentant 80% des disparus, ce sont les femmes qui ont dû prendre en charge la gestion des communautés, en assumant de nouvelles responsabilités. Ce sont elles qui se sont battues pour amener la paix en dénonçant les horreurs commises. Et ce sont elles qui aujourd’hui luttent pour préserver la mémoire du conflit, afin que celui-ci ne se répète pas. À l’inverse du silence des communautés, à Ayacucho les femmes agissent activement, ce qui nous amène à penser que la transmission de la mémoire passerait par une spécialisation de celle-ci. On qualifierait la mémoire vive, de mémoire féminine.

L'influence des marqueurs identitaires du juge dans les décisions relatives à la garde des enfants dans un contexte post-rupture

L’« intérêt de l’enfant » est un concept fondamental en droit de la famille puisqu’il constitue le critère déterminant dans toute décision qui concerne l’enfant. Le Code civil du Québec énonce, au second alinéa de l’article 33, les facteurs qui doivent servir à le déterminer, soit « les besoins moraux, intellectuels, affectifs et physiques de l’enfant, son âge, sa santé, son caractère, son milieu familial et les autres aspects de sa situation ». Les auteurs qui s’y sont intéressés l’ont abordé sous différents angles. Certains se sont intéressés à ses origines et à son évolution. D’autres en ont proposé leur propre définition. En ce qui nous concerne, nous avons choisi d’explorer ledit concept en nous intéressant aux diverses interprétations qu’il reçoit de la part des tribunaux dans les décisions relatives à la garde des enfants dans un contexte post-rupture, et ce, à la lumière du genre et de l’âge du décideur. Le concept d’intérêt de l’enfant étant hautement indéterminé, son interprétation est laissée à l’appréciation du juge qui en précisera le contenu en référence à la loi et aux faits particuliers de chaque cas d’espèce. Or, dans les situations où, une fois considéré le contexte factuel et normatif, le juge se retrouve face à une situation « neutre », c’est-à-dire où la garde exclusive et la garde partagée sont tout aussi envisageables, peut-on prétendre que son l’inclinaison vers l’une ou l’autre de ces modalités de garde est influencée par des facteurs autres que le droit et les faits mis en preuve ? Telle est la question au cœur de notre étude. Reposant sur des théories reconnues et bien établies affirmant l’importance de tenir compte du contexte social et de l’expérience individuelle du décideur dans la démarche interprétative que le droit sous-tend, l’hypothèse que nous soumettons est qu’au-delà des faits mis en preuve et du droit, des éléments indissociables au processus d’interprétation, à savoir les valeurs, les idéologies et les traits caractéristiques dominants que sous-tendent le genre et la génération du décideur, influent sur la teneur des jugements qu’il prononce. Sans admettre que ces éléments suffisent, à eux seuls, pour expliquer le produit judiciaire, nous sommes d’avis qu’on ne peut qualifier d’improbable l’incidence qu’ils exercent sur celui-ci. Nous intéressant au processus cognitif qui préside à la réflexion des décideurs, notre thèse vise à cerner, à travers une analyse interdisciplinaire, les facteurs humains et les forces sociales qui structurent les expériences et qui sont susceptibles d’avoir un impact sur les décisions judiciaires. L’objectif de notre étude n’est pas d’établir un lien de causalité entre le genre et l’âge du juge et les décisions qu’il rend, mais plutôt de vérifier si des corrélations peuvent être établies entre ces paramètres. Désirant aller au-delà des perceptions traditionnelles véhiculées par la doctrine classique, nos travaux se veulent davantage une contribution au développement d’une conception non formaliste du droit plutôt qu’une démonstration que le profil identitaire des décideurs conditionne systématiquement et invariablement leurs décisions. Une étude de ce genre comporte certes des difficultés en ce qu’elle confronte le juriste à des concepts et des théories qui appartiennent à d’autres champs disciplinaires et qui, partant, ne lui sont pas familiers. La compréhension plus fine du processus interprétatif et des décisions qui en résultent en justifie cependant le bien-fondé.

Transformación de la Doctrina de Seguridad de la OTAN, en la Post- Guerra Fría, y sus efectos en la intervención en Macedonia (2001-2003)

El objetivo de esta monografía es examinar la transformación de la doctrina de seguridad de la OTAN en la Post-Guerra Fría y sus efectos en la intervención en la República de Macedonia. La desintegración del bloque soviético implicó la variación en la definición de las amenazas que atentan contra la supervivencia de los países miembro de la Alianza Atlántica. A partir de la década de los noventa, los conflictos de naturaleza interétnica pasaron a formar parte de los riesgos que transgreden la seguridad de los Aliados y la estabilidad del área Euro-Atlántica. Por lo anterior, la OTAN intervino en aquellos Estados en los que prevalecían las confrontaciones armadas interétnicas, como por ejemplo: en Macedonia. Allí, la Alianza Atlántica ejecutó operaciones de gestión de crisis para contrarrestar la amenaza. El fenómeno a estudiar en esta investigación será analizado a partir del Realismo Subalterno y de la Teoría de la Seguridad Colectiva.

Preparing for a post-Assad Syria: What role for the European Union? CEPS Commentary, 2 August 2012

In this CEPS Commentary, Steven Blockmans notes that a prolonged period of instability lies ahead for Syria, with an on-going risk of spill-over effects affecting the entire region. The author argues that the EU’s plans for a post-Assad Syria should extend beyond the half-hearted responses to the monumental changes that have ripped through other parts of the Arab world. In recognition of the geostrategic shifts in the Middle East and the Gulf, and pursuant to the obligation imposed upon it by the Lisbon Treaty, the EU should plan for the creation of a regional space of shared security. Such a plan would fit well into the current efforts to revamp the European Security Strategy.

CSDP and NATO Post-Libya: Towards the Rubicon? Egmont Security Policy Brief No. 35, July 2012

In the wake of Libya and the American pivot to Asia, CSDP-NATO relations must be recalibrated. The buzz word for CSDP should be: integrated through the EU and empowered through NATO.