Migrant networks and political participation in Mozambique

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Politicization of non-political events

Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

Epidemiology of the viral hepatitis B and C in female prisoners of Metropolitan Regional Prison Complex in the State of Goiás, Central Brazil

INTRODUCTION: Little information regarding hepatitis B virus (HBV) and hepatitis C virus (HCV) infections among Brazilian female prisoners exists. This study investigated the prevalence and risk factors associated with HBV and HCV infections and identified viral genotypes among female prisoners in Goiás, Central Brazil. METHODS: Women incarcerated in the largest prison in the State of Goiás were invited to participate in the study. All female prisoners were interviewed and tested for the detection of hepatitis B surface antigen (HBsAg), antibodies against HBsAg (anti-HBs), against hepatitis B core antigen (anti-HBc), and antibody against HCV (anti-HCV) by ELISA. HBsAg and anti-HCV positive samples were tested for HBV DNA and HCV RNA and genotyped, respectively. RESULTS: Participants (n=148; 98.6%) completed the study with an overall HBV prevalence of 18.9%. Age >30 years, a low education level, sex with a sexually transmitted diseases carrier, and a male sexual partner serving in the same penitentiary were associated with HBV infections. Only 24% of the women were anti-HBs positive suggesting previous HBV vaccination. Nine female prisoners (6.1%) were anti-HCV positive. Age >40 years, injecting drug use and length of incarceration were statistically associated with anti-HCV antibodies. Five samples were HCV RNA positive and classified as genotypes 1 (subtypes 1a; n=3 and 1b; n=1) and 3 (subtype 3a; n=1). The HBsAg-reactive sample was HBV DNA positive and genotype A. CONCLUSIONS: These findings highlight the necessity of public policies to control hepatitis B and C infections and emphasize the importance of hepatitis B vaccination in prison environments.

Active and latent tuberculosis in prisoners in the Central-West Region of Brazil

Introduction Jailed populations exhibit high rates of tuberculosis (TB) infection and active disease. Methods A cross-sectional study was performed to estimate the prevalence of latent and active TB and to identify factors associated with latent infection in inmates. Results The prevalence of latent TB was 49%, and the prevalence of active TB was 0.4%. The presence of a Bacille Calmette-Guérin (BCG) scar (prevalence ratio (PR)=1.65; 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.09-2.50; p=0.0162) and the World Health Organization (WHO) score for active TB in prisons (PR=1.07; 95% CI: 1.01-1.14; p=0.0181) were correlated with infection. Conclusions The identification of associated factors and the prevalence of latent and active TB allows the development of plans to control this disease in jails.

Correlates of intergenerational mobility and political violence

This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

US fiscal dynamics in political perspective

Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

Weimar and the crisis of political legitimacy in Late Modernity : Max Weber, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt

Através da comparação das ideias de três grandes teóricos da política no conturbado contexto da República de Weimar, esta dissertação pretende reconsiderar a crise da legitimidade política na modernidade tardia. Tal crise é concebida tanto em sentido estrito, enquanto crise das democracias liberais perante os efeitos de rápidas mudanças sociais e a emergência da política de massas, como em sentido lato, ou seja, enquanto crise dos alicerces político-intelectuais da era moderna. Nessa medida, veremos como os juízos de Weber, Kelsen e Schmitt não se limitam a veicular veredictos contrastantes sobre a democracia de massas, o parlamentarismo e os partidos políticos, remetendo também para narrativas distintas sobre o destino do homem moderno – narrativas que oscilam entre o optimismo moderado, a ambivalência e a reacção hostil.

Application of wavelets to the study of political history

\The idea that social processes develop in a cyclical manner is somewhat like a `Lorelei'. Researchers are lured to it because of its theoretical promise, only to become entangled in (if not wrecked by) messy problems of empirical inference. The reasoning leading to hypotheses of some kind of cycle is often elegant enough, yet the data from repeated observations rarely display the supposed cyclical pattern. (...) In addition, various `schools' seem to exist which frequently arrive at di erent conclusions on the basis of the same data." (van der Eijk and Weber 1987:271). Much of the empirical controversies around these issues arise because of three distinct problems: the coexistence of cycles of di erent periodicities, the possibility of transient cycles and the existence of cycles without xed periodicity. In some cases, there are no reasons to expect any of these phenomena to be relevant. Seasonality caused by Christmas is one such example (Wen 2002). In such cases, researchers mostly rely on spectral analysis and Auto-Regressive Moving-Average (ARMA) models to estimate the periodicity of cycles.1 However, and this is particularly true in social sciences, sometimes there are good theoretical reasons to expect irregular cycles. In such cases, \the identi cation of periodic movement in something like the vote is a daunting task all by itself. When a pendulum swings with an irregular beat (frequency), and the extent of the swing (amplitude) is not constant, mathematical functions like sine-waves are of no use."(Lebo and Norpoth 2007:73) In the past, this di culty has led to two di erent approaches. On the one hand, some researchers dismissed these methods altogether, relying on informal alternatives that do not meet rigorous standards of statistical inference. Goldstein (1985 and 1988), studying the severity of Great power wars is one such example. On the other hand, there are authors who transfer the assumptions of spectral analysis (and ARMA models) into fundamental assumptions about the nature of social phenomena. This type of argument was produced by Beck (1991) who, in a reply to Goldstein (1988), claimed that only \ xed period models are meaningful models of cyclic phenomena".We argue that wavelet analysis|a mathematical framework developed in the mid-1980s (Grossman and Morlet 1984; Goupillaud et al. 1984) | is a very viable alternative to study cycles in political time-series. It has the advantage of staying close to the frequency domain approach of spectral analysis while addressing its main limitations. Its principal contribution comes from estimating the spectral characteristics of a time-series as a function of time, thus revealing how its di erent periodic components may change over time. The rest of article proceeds as follows. In the section \Time-frequency Analysis", we study in some detail the continuous wavelet transform and compare its time-frequency properties with the more standard tool for that purpose, the windowed Fourier transform. In the section \The British Political Pendulum", we apply wavelet analysis to essentially the same data analyzed by Lebo and Norpoth (2007) and Merrill, Grofman and Brunell (2011) and try to provide a more nuanced answer to the same question discussed by these authors: do British electoral politics exhibit cycles? Finally, in the last section, we present a concise list of future directions.

External and internal dynamics in the EU's counter-terrorism policy: a political and legal analysis

Tese de Doutoramento em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais

The Portuguese programme one laptop per child: political, educational and social impact

In 2008, the XVII Portuguese Constitutional Government launched the ‘e.escolinha’ programme, within the Technological Plan for Education, which set out the distribution of a computer, called ‘Magalhães’, designed for chil-dren attending the 1st cycle of basic education. Suspended in 2011 by the XIX Government, this programme has allowed, however, almost 500 000 children to have access to a personal computer. It was expected that this political measure would “revolutionise” the national education system by bringing changes to the pedagogical practices of teachers and the learning processes of children and by achieving educational success, in general. Based on documental analysis and on a set of interviews with key decision-makers in conceiving, implementing and monitoring this governmental initiative, the fi rst part of this chapter presents and analyses the ‘e.escolinha’ initiative and the policies be-hind that governmental programme, seeking to disassemble those objectives and provide some insights into the relationship between discourses, rhetoric, and reality. After that, the chapter focuses on children’s uses and practices with the ‘Magalhães’ laptop, at school and at home. Based on the results of questionnaires fi lled in by approximately 1500 children from 32 First Cycle public schools of the municipality of Braga (north of Portugal) and also from questionnaires applied to their parents and teachers, this chapter intends to analyse the real impact of this initiative for children, family and school. It also seeks to discuss the contribution of this educational policy to children’s digital literacy and also to their own and their families’ social and digital inclusion. To understand if it represented an added value to teachers’ pedagogical practice is another of its aims. The fi ndings point out a major focus on technology and access rather than on uses and competences or even on social, educational and cultural change. In fact, a major conclusion is the existence of a strong gap between the policy and the practices, typical of a top-down policy design. This study is an integrant part of a research project titled “Navigating with ‘Magalhães’: Study on the Impact of Digital Media in Schoolchildren” conducted at the University of Minho, Portugal, financed by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology [PTDC/CCI-COM/101381/2008] and co-funded by the European Regional Development Fund [COMPETE: FCOMP-01-0124-FEDER-009056].

Desarrollo e interrupción de la generatividad en ámbitos familiares, comunitarios y políticos. Development and interruption of the generatividad in familiar, communitarian and political ambients.

El presente proyecto está centrado en tres crisis vitales del desarrollo humano: la identidad, la generatividad y la integridad del yo (Erikson, 1961). Se indagará la relación existente entre estos momentos del desarrollo psicosocial con las vicisitudes y crisis sociales y políticas que atraviesan el desarrollo personal. El sentido de lo político, la participación comunitaria y social se pondrán en tensión con la historia de acontecimientos que le sucedieron a las personas a lo largo de su vida y se plasman en las narrativas vitales.La tarea de actualizar las identificaciones tempranas, fundirse en un proyecto personal, de pareja, social y laboral implica la consolidación de la identidad y prepara a las personas para la etapa más fructífera de la adultez: la intimidad y la generatividad. Esta tarea implica involucrarse en la guía de otras generaciones más jóvenes a la vez que se sostiene el cuidado personal y el propio desarrollo y expansión del self.Sin embargo, existen dificultades en el desarrollo adulto que, sin conformarse en patologías, obturan la expresión de estos componentes egosintónicos y se manifiestan otros componentes egodistónicos o debilidades del yo. Asimismo, crisis sociales y eventos históricos significativos atraviesan la vida de las personas marcando sus metas de desarrollo y transformando el sentido de sí mismos y el significado de ser en el mundo con otros. Las expresiones personales y familiares de la generatividad tienen diferentes manifestaciones que se expresan en el campo social, comunitario y político y en el ejercicio de distintos roles sociales (voluntariado, participación política, inclusión en organizaciones comunitario, liderazgo de instituciones sociales, gremiales, partidarias o religiosas). En cualquier caso interesa conocer y determinar qué factores del desarrollo temprano y adulto establecen diferentes niveles de compromiso, interés e involucramiento. Los objetivos se centran en determinar los componentes de la generatividad y sus expresiones agénticas y comunitarias. Se utilizará un abordaje combinado de metodología cuantitativa y cualitativa. Se desarrollará una escala de generatividad aportando las evidencias de confiabilidad y validez requeridos en el desarrollo psicométrico. Posteriormente se administrará una entrevista pautada semidirigida, que permita valorar cualitativamente las diferencias centrales en las historias de vida entre sujetos con diferentes niveles de generatividad y grupos u organizaciones específicamente vinculadas al cuidado de los otros (derechos humanos, organizaciones comunitarias y ONG's vinculados al desarrollo infantil y cuidado de la vejez). De esta forma se valorará el impacto de crisis vitales y familiares, tanto como adversidades sociales y políticas (violencia, represión) en la generatividad, la madurez en adultez y la participación social y comunitaria.Se espera, así, identificar los aspectos egosintónicos comunes que son esenciales para desarrollar y consolidar fortalezas, secuencias de sentido, de redención y plenitud vital y compromiso político y comunitario a pesar de las adversidades en poblaciones diversas. La contrastación de las narrativas vitales permitirá elucidar qué potencialidades y recursos psicológico se ponen en juego, no sólo para la recuperación tras la adversidad (factores resilientes), sino para el desarrollo de una madurez comprometida con causas sociales y humanitarias que de forma reparatoria, restauran una porción de la realidad en la que se sufrió la injusticia y la crueldad, no ya para sí mismos sino para el resto de la sociedad.