Decentralization in Nation State Building of Indonesia

Introduction：Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27). 　　　What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of “reform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here. 　　　Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia. 　　　This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building. 　　　In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

Temple of liberty : building the Capitol for a new nation : Madison Gallery, February 24 through June 24, 1995, a Library of Congress exhibition.

Mode of access: Internet.

The South in the building of the nation; a history of the southern states designed to record the South's part in the making of the American nation; to portray the character and genius, to chronicle the achievements and progress and to illustrate the life and traditions of the southern people ...

Vols. 1-4, 7-12, 1909; v. 5-6, 1910; v. 13, 1913.

Genealogical and family history of western New York; a record of the achievements of her people in the making of a commonwealth and the building of a nation.

Paged continuously.

Building homes for 'One Nation'? Opportunities for reform of land-use planning

Chapter in a report that brings together a series of contributions from major figures in urban and rural planning to consider the challenges and opportunities facing an incoming Labour Government in 2015.

Building Indigenous research capacity : a personal perspective

The International Network of Indigenous Health Knowledge and Development (INIHKD) Conference was held from Monday 24 May to Friday 28 May 2010 at Kiana Lodge, Port Madison Indian Reservation, Suquamish Nation, Washington State, United States of America. The overall theme for the 4th Biennial Conference was ‘Knowing Our Roots: Indigenous Medicines, Health Knowledges and Best Practices’.

La proyección de imagen a partir de Soft Power, mediante Nation Branding y Diplomacia Pública en el caso de Japón, durante el periodo 2002 – 2010

En el actual contexto de globalización y con el comienzo de la era de la información, cada vez más Estados han buscado proyectar una imagen favorable con el objetivo de atraer atención y crear una reputación que permitan cumplir objetivos de política exterior y fomentar el desarrollo económico, logrando de esta manera un posicionamiento en el sistema internacional mediante estrategias novedosas, que incluyen elementos tanto diplomáticos, políticos, económicos, como comerciales y culturales. Para Japón, Nation Branding y la diplomacia pública han sido dos de las principales herramientas para lograr este reposicionamiento internacional, resaltando atractivos como las tradiciones culturales, el turismo, los incentivos para negocios, y trabajando en conjunto entre el gobierno nacional, el sector privado y la sociedad civil para crear relaciones entre el país y gobiernos y sociedades a nivel internacional.

Model for calculating the sustainable building index (SBI) in the kingdom of Bahrain

We have developed a model that allows players in the building and construction sector and the energy policy makers on energy strategies to be able to perceive the interest of investors in the kingdom of Bahrain in conducting Building Integrated Photovoltaic (BIPV) or Building integrated wind turbines (BIWT) projects, i.e. a partial sustainable or green buildings. The model allows the calculation of the Sustainable building index (SBI), which ranges from 0.1 (lowest) to 1.0 (highest); the higher figure the more chance for launching BIPV or BIWT. This model was tested in Bahrain and the calculated SBI was found 0.47. This means that an extensive effort must be made through policies on renewable energy, renewable energy education, and incentives to BIPV and BIWT projects, environmental awareness and promotion to clean and sustainable energy for building and construction projects. Our model can be used internationally to create a "Global SBI" database. The Sustainable building and construction initiative (SBCI), United Nation, can take the task for establishing such task using this model.

Ontology of building in war and reconstruction

Post-war cities epitomise both a disjuncture and resonance between the end of the nation-state, on the one hand, and a preoccupation with reinventing the city through building, on the other. Programs of 'reconstruction' and 'remaking a city' are preceded by destruction: a destructive force has altered the face of the city, buildings have been destroyed and damaged, their ordered and ordering materiality is eroded, and the city is no longer an image of an idealized symbol of unity and identity. Belying the mythical power of architecture as a material and symbolic force, is also its fragility. Architecture can be monumentally erected and can have a presence and persistence that inspires awe and wonder, but it can also, just as easily be de-erected, demolished, destroyed. It can be de-constructed in a way that the literal sense of the term signals its symbolic frailty. Perceiving the symbolic as intrinsically tied to the physical articulation and presence of the architectural edifice, both reveals and conceals that the symbolic is also tied to fantasy, memory and fiction. Drawings that precede construction are projections of an idealized image of something that does not yet exist, and photographs that remain after a building is demolished are representations of a past realist that is now fictional.

Hanoi, Vietnam : representing power in and of the nation

Hanoi, like most capital cities, performs functions at three levels. It is home to its residents and provides local level services for them. But it also has a role as a city for all citizens of the Vietnamese state, performing capital city functions across the entire national territory as well as beyond national borders. Hanoi is especially interesting because of the uneasy way in which it has been forced to share power internally with Ho Chi Minh City in the south—Hanoi maintaining political and cultural sway but its rival becoming stronger in economic and demographic terms. Externally, it has struggled for recognition, having been regarded as capital of a weak political state open to the interventions of the Chinese, French, Americans and the Soviet Union. This paper argues that Hanoi's double vulnerability has made its rulers acutely aware of the need to demonstrate the city's power as a capital city—or at least to give the semblance of power—through urban planning and architectural design, the building of heroic monuments and the naming of city features after key historic events and people. Major events and projects have become an important way in which the Vietnamese government has sought to strengthen Hanoi's place—and hence its own—in the national consciousness. The regime also continues to push on with efforts to make a future Hanoi dominant both within the Vietnamese urban hierarchy and as the country's undisputed international metropolis.

Building energy efficiency labeling programme in Singapore

The use of electricity in buildings constitutes around 16% of Singapore's energy demand. In view of the fact that Singapore is an urban city with no rural base, which depends heavily on air-conditioning to cool its buildings all year round, the survival as a nation depends on its ability to excel economically. To incorporate energy efficiency measures is one of the key missions to ensure that the economy is sustainable. The recently launched building energy efficiency labelling programme is such an initiative. Buildings whose energy performance are among the nation's top 25% and maintain a healthy and productive indoor environment as well as uphold a minimum performance for different systems can qualify to attain the Energy Smart Office Label. Detailed methodologies of the labelling process as well as the performance standards are elaborated. The main strengths of this system namely a rigorous benchmarking database and an independent audit conducted by a private accredited Energy Service Company (ESCO) are highlighted. A few buildings were awarded the Energy Smart Office Label during the launching of the programme conducted in December 2005. The labeling of other types of buildings like hotels, schools, hospitals, etc. is ongoing.

If the land is healthy...it makes the people healthy : the relationship between caring for country and health for the Yorta Yorta nation, Boonwurrung and Bangerang Tribes

This article reports on research undertaken with members of three Indigenous groups in Victoria, Australia, to explore the health and wellbeing implications of caring for Country (defined as having knowledge, sense of responsibility and inherent right to be involved in the management of traditional lands). The research findings provide a better understanding of this key determinant of the health and wellbeing of Indigenous people in the context of public health where there are few existing published studies assessing this relationship. Thirteen traditional custodians1 and local Indigenous environmental workers were interviewed. This qualitative study involving semi-structured interviews identified that caring for Country offers great benefits, including building self-esteem, fostering self-identity, maintaining cultural connection and enabling relaxation and enjoyment through contact with the natural environment. Results generated indicate that caring for Country may offer a means of improving the current poor health status of Indigenous Australian peoples.

The meaning of capacity building in Indonesia

Capacity building has been prominent in development projects of various kinds for the last decade. Capacity is, in this context, an amorphous term broadly defined as the ability of people, organizations, and communities to handle all the aspects of existence that relate to them (Vincent-Lancrin, 2006). Capacity building generally refers to efforts to develop this ability among particular groups, resulting in enhanced potential to manage their own needs (Potter and Brough, 2004). Capacity building and the associated process of capacity development have been considered central in improving governance, civil society institutions, and local administrations in developing countries (Brinkerhoff, 2000). The World Bank, with its emphasis on strengthening governance, has made capacity building a focus of its programs and leads the development of relevant models and evaluative measures (Wilhelm and Kushnarova, 2004; Straussman, 2007).

Despite its importance in development circles and a quantity of scholarly consideration, the effects of capacity building initiatives are difficult to document and evaluate, and the concept has generated criticism as well as support. Though many aspects of capacity building have been elucidated, one issue that remains less thoroughly studied is the concept’s meaning to target populations. This paper considers the meaning and nature of capacity building in Indonesia, including local perceptions of the concept. This, it is hoped, will offer insight into the whole question of capacity in that nation and that this discussion will inform future development efforts.

Democracy building in post-Saddam Iraq : 'historical memory' and 'primitive democracy'

Iraq’s long and complex past has played a particularly poignant role in establishing and legitimating the various political movements that have ascended to power since the nation state was first created by the British in the early 1920s (Davis, 2005b). For example, the installed Hashemite monarchy that ruled Iraq until the 1958 revolution utilised their ancestral connection to the Prophet Muhammad to legitimate their claim of being the rightful legatees of the Arab lands, while later Saddam Hussein invoked the power of Iraq’s Mesopotamian past to build nationalism and unite the people against ancient enemies such as during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s.What is problematic about these examples of ‘historical memory’ in Iraq is that they have also been used to justify a series of autocratic and despotic regimes that have attempted to quash Iraq’s civil society and curtail any semblance of democratic reform. However, this paper argues that such ‘historical memories’ may well be useful in reinvigorating the Iraqi public sphere and enabling the transition from despotism to democracy. To do this, this paper focuses on the ancient Mesopotamian practise of ‘Primitive Democracy’ and argues that reinvigorating such histories may serve to legitimate and promote democratic governance within Iraq.