836 resultados para mortgagees powers and duties
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In this paper, I critically assess John Rawls' repeated claim that the duty of civility is only a moral duty and should not be enforced by law. In the first part of the paper, I examine and reject the view that Rawls' position may be due to the practical difficulties that the legal enforcement of the duty of civility might entail. I thus claim that Rawls' position must be driven by deeper normative reasons grounded in a conception of free speech. In the second part of the paper, I therefore examine various arguments for free speech and critically assess whether they are consistent with Rawls' political liberalism. I first focus on the arguments from truth and self-fulfilment. Both arguments, I argue, rely on comprehensive doctrines and therefore cannot provide a freestanding political justification for free speech. Freedom of speech, I claim, can be justified instead on the basis of Rawls' political conception of the person and of the two moral powers. However, Rawls' wide view of public reason already allows scope for the kind of free speech necessary for the exercise of the two moral powers and therefore cannot explain Rawls' opposition to the legal enforcement of the duty of civility. Such opposition, I claim, can only be explained on the basis of a defence of unconstrained freedom of speech grounded in the ideas of democracy and political legitimacy. Yet, I conclude, while public reason and the duty of civility are essential to political liberalism, unconstrained freedom of speech is not. Rawls and political liberals could therefore renounce unconstrained freedom of speech, and endorse the legal enforcement of the duty of civility, while remaining faithful to political liberalism.
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In this paper, we analyze the performance of cognitive amplify-and-forward (AF) relay networks with beamforming under the peak interference power constraint of the primary user (PU). We focus on the scenario that beamforming is applied at the multi-antenna secondary transmitter and receiver. Also, the secondary relay network operates in channel state information-assisted AF mode, and the signals undergo independent Nakagami-m fading. In particular, closed-form expressions for the outage probability and symbol error rate (SER) of the considered network over Nakagami-m fading are presented. More importantly, asymptotic closed-form expressions for the outage probability and SER are derived. These tractable closed-form expressions for the network performance readily enable us to evaluate and examine the impact of network parameters on the system performance. Specifically, the impact of the number of antennas, the fading severity parameters, the channel mean powers, and the peak interference power is addressed. The asymptotic analysis manifests that the peak interference power constraint imposed on the secondary relay network has no effect on the diversity gain. However, the coding gain is affected by the fading parameters of the links from the primary receiver to the secondary relay network
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This document is a land deed between Samuel Howell and Calvin Spencer, sealed and delivered in the presence of Nicholas Powers and Holden Wade.
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Report produced as part of the Green Logistics project (EPSRC and Department for Transport funded). This report provides estimates of the total external costs of LGV and HGV operations in London. In 2006, total LGV and HGV activity imposed external costs of approximately £1.75-£1.8 billion using low, medium and high emission cost values. About 27 per cent of these costs were internalised by duties and taxes paid by LGV operators, compared with 26% in the case of HGVs. If congestion costs are excluded, taxes and duties paid by LGV operators are estimated to be 155% of LGVs' allocated infrastructural and environmental costs, compared with 85% in the case of HGVs. When using the medium emission cost values, LGVs accounted for 56% of these external costs in London and HGVs for 44%.
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This report provides estimates of the total external costs of LGV and HGV operations in London. In 2006, total LGV and HGV activity imposed external costs of approximately £1.75-£1.8 billion using low, medium and high emission cost values. About 27 per cent of these costs were internalised by duties and taxes paid by LGV operators, compared with 26% in the case of HGVs. If congestion costs are excluded, taxes and duties paid by LGV operators are estimated to be 155% of LGVs' allocated infrastructural and environmental costs, compared with 85% in the case of HGVs. When using the medium emission cost values, LGVs accounted for 56% of these external costs in London and HGVs for 44%.
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Cette thèse jette un œil sceptique sur plusieurs théories courantes de l’état d’urgence. La plupart de ces théories de l’état d’urgence présupposent que la notion d'une « urgence » est claire, conceptuellement et pratiquement. J'argue que ceci n'est pas le cas et que cette certitude mal placée produit des problèmes pratiques et conceptuels avec ses théories. De plus, cette thèse démontre que cette certitude mal placée dans la clarté du concept de l'urgence mène les autorités gouvernementales à agir arbitrairement plutôt que selon des principes libéraux et démocratiques pendant des états d’urgence. Contre cette certitude mal placée et contre plusieurs théories contemporaines influentes des états d'urgence, j'offre une théorie rigoureuse et analytique du concept de l’« urgence. » Une fois que le concept de l'urgence est défini, et que cette conception est défendue, la thèse démontre les diverses manières dont les malentendus du concept, mènent aux utilisations arbitraires (de la puissance monopole de l'état) en situation d’urgence. En considérant les états d’urgences, comme événements rares, la thèse évite la tentation de les considérer comme événements exceptionnels capable de fragmenter l'ordre politique établi (comme d’autres théories le font). La thèse argue que les mesures prises par le gouvernent pendant l’état d’urgence devraient être compatibles plus généralement avec les valeurs démocratiques et libérales. En rejetant l'idée que les états d'urgence sont des événements exceptionnels, la thèse crée un espace conceptuel dans lequel des propositions plus constructives concernant la gestion des états d'urgence peuvent être entendues. De plus, en analysant les diverses manières dont les autorités gouvernementales utilisent leur forces de façon arbitraire pendant les états d’urgence, la thèse argue clairement pour la supervision institutionnelle accrue en ce qui concerne les procédures d’urgence et leur déploiement pendant des états d'urgence. En conclusion, la thèse argue que les démocraties libérales n'ont pas besoin de craindre les états d’urgences tandis que les démocraties libérales ont déjà les ressources requise pour administrer les états d’urgence. Contrairement à ce que d’autres théories l’état d'urgence recommandent, les démocraties libérales ont déjà les ressources institutionnelles et conceptuelles pour administrer les états d’urgences.
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A comparative assessment of the successes and failures of the judicial reform efforts of El Salvador and Brazil in the 1980’s produces striking results. The reforms varied greatly in scope and were conducted in very different socio-political and economic backgrounds. While El Salvador’s reforms seemed narrow and ill-planned, on paper it appeared that Brazil’s broad reforms would be a successful model for any country with a fledgling democracy. Brazil’s reforms were an exercise in constitutionalism, implementing genuine separation of powers and receiving legislative and executive support. I was very surprised that these different approaches produced strikingly similar negative effects on the people’s assessment of the judiciary. From this outcome I concluded that while judicial reform of a corrupt or inefficient judiciary is an important step in ensuring the rule of law in society, it can not be the vehicle through which democratic reform is implemented. Quite to the contrary, for successful judicial reform to take place there must be considerable penetration of the law in society through enforcement of unbiased legislation, consistency in the laws and their enforcement, and sufficient time for the reform to have an effect on society.
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This thesis is shows the result of the research work on the inherent Powers of the High Court in criminal jurisdiction. The criminal justice system in India recognizes inherent powers only of the High Court. The Theory and Philosophy of inherent powers are concerned the Distinction between civil and Criminal laws are of very little consequence. In formulating the research programme the confusion created by the concept of inherent powers and its application by High Court form the central point. How fully the concept is understood, how correctly the power is used, and how far it has enhanced the rationale of the administration of criminal justice, what is its importance and what are the solutions for the inherent power to earn a permanent status in the province of criminal jurisprudence are the themes of this study. The precipitation of new dimensions is the yardstick to acknowledge the inherent powers of the High Court and Supreme Court. It is of instant value in criminal justice system. This study concludes innovativeness provided by the inherent powers has helped the justice administration draw inspiration from the Constitution. A jurisprudence of inherent powers has developed with the weilding of inherent powers of the Supreme Court and the High Court. It is to unravel mystery of jurisprudence caused by the operation of the concept of inherent powers this research work gives emphasis. Its significance is all the more relevant when the power is exercised in the administration of criminal justice. Application or non application of inherent powers in a given case would tell upon the maturity and perfection of the standard of justice
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The Daochos Monument at Delphi has received some scholarly attention from an art-historical and archaeological perspective; this article, however, examines it rather as a reflection of contemporary Thessalian history and discourse, an aspect which has been almost entirely neglected. Through its visual imagery and its inscriptions, the monument adopts and adapts long-standing Thessalian themes of governance and identity, and achieves a delicate balance with Macedonian concerns to forge a symbolic rapprochement between powers and cultures in the Greek north. Its dedicator, Daochos, emerges as far more than just the puppet of Philip II of Macedon. This hostile and largely Demosthenic characterisation, which remains influential even in modern historiography, is far from adequate in allowing for an understanding of the relationship between Thessalian and Macedonian motivations at this time, or of the importance of Delphi as the pan-Hellenic setting of their interaction. Looking closely at the Daochos Monument instead allows for a rare glimpse into the Thessalian perspective in all its complexity.
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Este estudo apresenta uma pesquisa realizada em 65 municípios turísticos brasileiros, no período de dezembro de 2007 a fevereiro de 2008, cujo objetivo é avaliar a implementação do Programa de Regionalização do Turismo nesses municípios. Este programa é o eixo principal das políticas públicas do turismo brasileiro, lançado pelo Ministério do Turismo em 2004. Para compreensão dessa política pública do turismo, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental nos arquivos do Ministério do Turismo, neste descrevem-se o Plano Nacional de Turismo (2003-2007) e o Programa de Regionalização do Turismo; também se realizou uma revisão de literatura sobre os princípios e conceitos em que se alicerça o programa: descentralização participativa, integração, sustentabilidade e a elaboração de uma matriz para avaliação de processo utilizada neste trabalho. Faziam parte da pesquisa as 27 capitais estaduais, o Distrito Federal e mais 37 municípios localizados em consolidados destinos turísticos (Floresta Amazônica, Pantanal Mato-grossense, Serras Gaúchas, Cidades Históricas de Minas, Litoral do Nordeste e outros). Por meio da pesquisa de campo e observação sistemática in loco, 23 pesquisadores coletaram informações dos gestores de turismo locais, utilizando-se de formulários fechados. Estes formulários forma elaborados tendo em vista os objetivos dos nove módulos operacionais previstos no Programa de Regionalização do Turismo e seus indicadores de resultados previamente determinados. As respostas, depois da tabuladas e calculadas suas frequências, foram transformadas em gráficos de colunas para fornecer uma visão clara da atual situação do programa em relação à sua implementação nos municípios. Analisando os resultados, obteve-se que, dos nove módulos do programa, quatro foram implementados com eficácia restrita nos municípios, necessitando de ajustes em suas ações operacionais, por parte dos municípios; outros quatro módulos alcançaram resultados mais modestos quanto à sua implementação, demandando melhor acompanhamento e correções por conta dos gestores de turismo; e um módulo teve resultado ineficaz, pois foi implementado em apenas sete municípios, este sim, merecendo maior atenção na sua estruturação, nos seus objetivos, competências delegadas e estratégias. Confrontando esses resultados com a revisão teórica aqui levantada, verificou-se que o processo descentralizador aflorou a fragilidade dos municípios que não cumprem com suas atribuições previstas no programa; evidenciou-se uma fraca integração entre municípios e entre setores público/privado, no sentido de formarem ¿redes¿ de relacionamento e mostrou que o principal programa público de turismo do Brasil está carente de monitoramento e avaliação.
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Esse trabalho tenta analisar a atuação do Ministério do Trabalho através da articulação de seus ministros com outras áreas da burocracia estatal, durante o governo Castelo Branco, para, por um lado, reprimir e expurgar opiniões contrárias ao regime ditatorial e, por outro, promover uma nova política para os trabalhadores, o “novo trabalhismo”. O termo condensava a ideia da área econômica de ‘democratizar’ as oportunidades, ampliando as atribuições dos sindicatos, deslocando o seu foco das reivindicações salariais para o desenvolvimento, em associação com o governo, de projetos e programas de investimentos nos setores sociais de produtividade indireta. Para implementar a proposta, cada ministro teve que lidar com as pressões advindas do processo de alteração da política trabalhista e articular os seus interesses pessoais com as atribuições da pasta. Arnaldo Sussekind resistiu às demandas para o fim da estabilidade, alterou a Lei de Greve, permitiu o fracionamento do 13º salário e abriu espaço para a implantação da política salarial. Ao mesmo tempo promoveu uma massiva intervenção nos sindicatos, cujos processos permitem conhecer melhor o interior da burocracia estatal, perceber os argumentos utilizados para afastar as diretorias das entidades e questionar a tomada de decisões dentro do ministério sob o novo contexto social pós-golpe. Walter Peracchi Barcelos utilizou a pasta como trampolim político, propondo e executando ações repressivas que lhe garantiam vantagens políticas e negligenciando projetos da área econômica, como o Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Serviço, que ameaçavam importantes conquistas dos trabalhadores. Por fim, Luiz Gonzaga do Nascimento e Silva reformulou o Banco Nacional da Habitação e unificou a previdência, ações que permitiram a transferência de atribuições e recursos do Estado para a iniciativa privada. A pesquisa, portanto, sustenta que o Ministério do Trabalho, após o golpe, perdeu poder político dentro do governo por permitir a transferência de suas atribuições para camadas da elite empresarial e para os militares, forçando os sindicatos a modificarem seus canais de diálogo e suas reivindicações para se adaptarem ao novo contexto.
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A new paradigm is modeling the World: evolutionary innovations in all fronts, new information technologies, huge mobility of capital, use of risky financial tools, globalization of production, new emerging powers and the impact of consumer concerns on governmental policies. These phenomena are shaping the World and forcing the advent of a new World Order in the Multilateral Monetary, Financial, and Trading System. The effects of this new paradigm are also transforming global governance. The political and economic orders established after the World War and centered on the multilateral model of UN, IMF, World Bank, and the GATT, leaded by the developed countries, are facing significant challenges. The rise of China and emerging countries shifted the old model to a polycentric World, where the governance of these organizations are threatened by emerging countries demanding a bigger participation in the role and decision boards of these international bodies. As a consequence, multilateralism is being confronted by polycentrism. Negotiations for a more representative voting process and the pressure for new rules to cope with the new demands are paralyzing important decisions. This scenario is affecting seriously not only the Monetary and Financial Systems but also the Multilateral Trading System. International trade is facing some significant challenges: a serious deadlock to conclude the last round of the multilateral negotiation at the WTO, the fragmentation of trade rules by the multiplication of preferential and mega agreements, the arrival of a new model of global production and trade leaded by global value chains that is threatening the old trade order, and the imposition of new sets of regulations by private bodies commanded by transnationals to support global value chains and non-governmental organizations to reflect the concerns of consumers in the North based on their precautionary attitude about sustainability of products made in the World. The lack of any multilateral order in this new regulation is creating a big cacophony of rules and developing a new regulatory war of the Global North against the Global South. The objective of this paper is to explore how these challenges are affecting the Tradinge System and how it can evolve to manage these new trends.
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Presents the discussion of practical and social dimensions that comprise the instrumentality (formative; theoretical and intellectual; investigative; technical-instrumental; and ethical-political) Social Work from research in social and occupational areas in which they operate social workers in Natal in Rio Grande do Norte. Chapters expose positions, experiences and reality of the respondents and the theoretical constructs and analytical, to understand: the evaluation of the training process, relating the teaching practice, the role of knowledge and the importance of research in professional practice of social workers, the seizure of technical-instrumental dimension, articulating demands, duties, powers and instruments, as elements that comprise it, and finally the ethical-political dimension, discussing the challenges of ethics and materialization of the ethical-political in daily work. In this sense, the dissertation sought add to production and academic debate about the work of the social worker, as well as contribute to their own professional practice, revealing how professionals articulate the practical and social dimensions that comprise the instrumentality in their daily work
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Aware of the difficulties in applying sol-gel technology on the preparation of thin films suitable for optical devices, the present paper reports on the preparation of crack-free erbium- and ytterbium-doped silica: hafnia thick films onto silica on silicon. The film was obtained using a dispersion of silica-hafnia nanoparticles into a binder solution, spin-coating, regular thermal process and rapid thermal process. The used methodology has allowed a significant increase of the film thickness. Based on the presented results good optical-quality films with the required thickness for a fiber matching single mode waveguide were obtained using the erbium- and ytterbium-activated sol-gel silica:hafnia system. The prepared film supports two transversal electric modes at 1550 nm and the difference between the transversal electric mode and the transversal magnetic mode is very small, indicating low birefringence. Photoluminescence of the I-4(13/2) -> I-4(15/2) transition of erbium ions shows a broad band centered at 1.53 mu m with full width at a half maximum of 28 nm. Up-conversion emission was carried out under different pump laser powers, and just one transition at red region was observed. (c) 2006 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Includes bibliography