O modelo liberal e republicano de liberdade: uma escolha disjuntiva?

Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar duas maneiras de compreender a liberdade: a liberdade negativa do liberalismo, definida como a esfera do livre agir do indivíduo pela ausência de impedimentos externos, e que se norteia pelo paradigma jurídico dos direitos individuais; e a liberdade política do republicanismo, que se define como não-dominação e se orienta pelo paradigma das virtudes cívicas da cidadania. Um outro propósito consiste em mostrar que a oposição entre o ponto de vista jurídico-liberal e o republicanismo não está na aceitação ou na recusa da liberdade e dos direitos individuais. A divergência repousa, antes, sobre a maneira pela qual essa liberdade e direitos podem ser fundamentados: se pela via do individualismo e subjetivismo, que subordina a sociedade e o direito como instrumentos para a realização e proteção dos direitos individuais, ou pela via comunitarista e cívica. Desse modo, o conceito republicanismo de liberdade, sem abandonar a conquista liberal do pluralismo e da liberdade negativa, pode contribuir para uma efetiva ampliação e garantia dos princípios democráticos de uma sociedade moderna.

The neo-liberal state and the crisis of public service broadcasting in the Anglo-American democracies /

The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.

Why are people liberal? : a motivated social cognition perspective

The present dissertation examined why people adopt or endorse certain political ideologies (i.e., liberal or conservative). According to a motivated social cognition perspective (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003a; Kruglanslliberalism. By focussing on the political right and not considering the political left, there might be other motivational underpinnings of political orientation that have been overlooked. In four studies, the present dissertation ail)1ed to fill this gap by investigating what chronic and situationally induced needs underlie political orientation, with a focus on political liberalism. Based on psychological the9ries of ideology, research examining political conservatism, and experimental research examining differences between liberals and conservatives, it was proposed that four social-cognitive needs (Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, Need for Change, and Avoidance of Decisional Commitment) would be associated with liberalism. Moreover, research suggests that the relations between the needs and liberalism might be moderated by political sophistication (e.g., Converse, 1964). University students (Study 1; n == 201) and community adults (Study 2; n == 197) completed questionnaires assessing political liberalism, political sophistication, and individual differences 're~ective of the four proposed needs. As predicted, correlation and hierarchical regression analyses in both Studies 1 and 2 indicated that political liberalism was related to Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change. 11 Avoidance of Decisional Commitment uniquely predicted political liberalism in Study 2; however, contrary to predictions, it was unrelated to political liberalism in Study 1. Furthermore, some of these relations were moderated by political sophistication, such that among individuals with a greater knowledge of politics, the relation between certain needs and liberalism was positive. To explore the role of situationally induced needs on political liberalism, each of the four proposed needs were manipulated in Study 3. Participants (n == 120) completed one of five scrambled-sentence tasks (one for each need condition and control condition), measures of explicit and implicit political liberalism, political sophistication, and state and trait measures indicative of the four proposed needs. The ~anipulation did not successfully prime participants with the needs. Therefore, a replication of the analyses from Studies 1 and 2 was conducted on the dispositional needs. Results showed that Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change were linked with greater explicit and implicit political liberalism. Study 4 examined the effect of manipulated Need for Inclusiveness on participants' endorsement ofpolitical liberalism, independent of conservatism. Participants (n == 43) were randomly assigned to a Need for Inclusiveness or control condition, and completed separate measures of political liberalism and conservatism, and political sophistication. Participants in the Need for Inclusiveness condition reported greater liberalism than those in a control condition; this effect was not moderated by political sophistication. Generally, the findings from this dissertation suggest that there might be other needs underlying political ideology, especially political liberalism. Thus, consistent with others' (Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a), individuals might adopt political liberalism as a way of gratifying certain psychological needs. Implications and future research are discussed.

A qualitative study of inclusion at a residential summer camp

The purpose of this qualitative case study was to understand the inclusion process at a Project Rainbow affiliated camp. Project Rainbow is a non-profit organization which promotes inclusion into children's camps in Ontario. This study was completed in order to provide stakeholders of the camping industry insight on how inclusive techniques can be implemented in residential camps. The researcher observed one camp's inclusion techniques for six days. The researcher observed three campers with disabilities and the camp staff and campers that interacted with them on a daily basis. While the researcher was at the camp, she interviewed nine staff members. The staff members consisted of the camp director, the inclusion coordinator, four camp counsellors, and three inclusion counsellors. An additional interview was conducted after arriving home from camp with the manager from Project Rainbow. The qualitative analysis program NVivo was used to help organize the analyzed data. The researcher found that in attempting to build a culture of inclusion, two important concepts are necessary. First, mutual leadership involved the camp director and Project Rainbow working together as a team to facilitate the inclusion process. Second, power of supportive relationships focused on inclusion being the responsibility of everyone, teamwork, and creating a welcoming environment. Hints at some potentially serious problems related to staff training, teamwork, and attitudes of non-disabled campers pointed to future research and policies which focus on the Ontario and Canadian Camping Associations' role in inclusion, in addition to camp in this study and Project Rainbow.

The role of a minor party : a comparative study of the British Liberal Party and the Australian Country Party since 1918

and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

Examining the inclusion experiences of students with intellectual disabilities : a study focusing on the transition from elementary to secondary school

Transitioning from elementary to secondary school is a major event in adolescents' lives and can be associated with academic, social, and emotional challenges (Shaffer, 2005; Sirsch, 2003). Considerably less research has focused on the transitional experiences of students with intellectual disabilities (lD) as they enter secondary school and the role of educational inclusion in this process (Noland, Cason, & Lincoln, 2007). Conceivably, students with ID who leave inclusive elementary schools, where they have been educated alongside their peers without ID, and who enter segregated secondary educational placements may experience unique social and emotional challenges (Farmer, Pearl, & Van Acker, 1996; Fryxell & Kennedy, 1995; Shaffer, 2005). This study examined the transitional experiences of 6 students with ID and the role of educational inclusion, with a focus on elementary to secondary school transitions from inclusive to segregated settings and vice versa. This study included the collection of multiple sources of data. Semi-structured interviews with 6 caregivers and students with ID were conducted. Students' Individual Education Transitional Plans were discussed in caregivers' interviews to determine how they shaped students' educational inclusion experiences (Ontario Ministry of Education & Training, 1999/2000/2004). Parts ofthe following questionnaires were "qualitized" (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998) and administered orally: "Youth Self-Report" (YSR; Achenbach, 2001 c) and "Child Behaviour Checklist Caregivers Form" (CBLC/6-18; Achenbach, 200la). The findings of this study contribute to the literature on educational inclusion by highlighting the positive/negative social and emotional impact of congruent and incongruent transitional experiences of students with ID and the role of educational inclusion.

Deinstitutionalization and community inclusion of individuals with intellectual disabilities in Ontario : a case analysis

In the last few decades, there have been significant changes in the way people with intellectual disabilities (ID) live in many countries around the world. Large isolated institutions have been replaced by community-based housing. This study examined the deinstitutionalization process in Ontario and it's effects on the lives of three individuals with ID. A case analysis approach was used allowing for in depth evaluation of the quality of life of these participants following their discharge with a focus on family involvement, community engagement, and choice making. A discrepancy analysis between the Essential Elements Plan (EEP), constructed when they were entering the community placement, and the current living arrangements was also done. The results of this study suggested that with community living comes improvements in family interactions, community engagement, and decision-making. However, these improvements were found to be minimal. Also, little discrepancy was found between the EEPs and their actual placements.

Deinstitutionalization and its Effects on Social Inclusion, Choice-Making, Adaptive and Maladaptive Behavior for Individuals with Intellectual Disabilities: Case Studies Analysis

In the past three decades institutions for persons with intellectual disabilities (ID) have been downsizing and closing in Ontario, Canada. This trend is reflective of the changes that have occurred in society. As of March 2009 the last institution operated by the Ontario government for persons with ID closed, placing the remaining approximately 1000 persons into the community. The current study was an analysis of part of one study in a four-study research project, called the Facilities Initiative Study, to explore the impact of the closures on the lives of individuals who have been reintegrated into community settings. The goal of the current case study analysis was to describe the impact of changes in social inclusion, choice-making/autonomy, and adaptive/maladaptive functioning of four individuals prior to and following transition to the community. The results suggested that, in most cases, community integration was related to more social inclusion opportunities and autonomy in choice-making, a wider range of adaptive behaviors and fewer maladaptive behaviors. In some cases, the evidence suggested that some of these indices of quality of life were not improving. Overall, the study found that the differences observed were unique to each of the individuals who participated in the case study analysis. Some generalized themes were generated that can be applied to future deinstitutionalization endeavors.

Social Economy and Developmental Disabilities: An Employment Option that Promotes a Form of Authentic Work and Fosters Social Inclusion

Typical employment options for people with developmental disabilities are insufficient. Most employment opportunities that are community-based provide typical workplace and geographical inclusion but tend not to support social inclusion and "belonging". This study explored the innovative employment alternative of social businesses and considered this form of employment for persons with a developmental disability as a viable avenue for meaningful work and social inclusion. A total of six business partners with a developmental disability were interviewed; two partners from three separate worker owned businesses. The partners' descriptions of their job and their workplace composed the interpretative findings. The social businesses provided an avenue for this group of people who tend to be segregated in isolated workshops or marginalized in mainstream work environments and who feel a sense of being "outsiders" to participate in meaningful work in community settings. This group of partners described their job as authentic "work" and discussed the many skills and the work ethic learned from their employment opportunity. In addition to the instrumental aspects of the job, the partners also discussed the group autonomy and self-determination of being their own "bosses". The partners confidently expressed feeling valued, understood in the context of others with similar life experiences, attached to the workplace and connected to a larger community as important outcomes of their businesses. These criteria of social inclusion (Hall, 2010) were complemented by teamwork, friendship and ultimately, with a feeling of being genuine "insiders". Replication of this innovative employment model would be recommended for groups of marginalized people with DD in other geographic areas.

Elementary School Principals as Leaders of Inclusion for Students With Exceptionalities

Inclusion promotes equality, provides opportunities, breaks down barriers, and ensures accessibility for all members of a community. Consequently, elementary-school administrators should become inclusion leaders who introduce and maintain inclusive learning environments. This qualitative study profiled and discussed practices and beliefs of 4 elementary school principals in southern Ontario who are recognized leaders of inclusion for students with exceptionalities. The researcher used multiple instruments for triangulation, thematic qualitative data analysis (constant comparative method) of interview responses and reflective field notes, and data from the Principal and Inclusion Survey to interpret qualitative findings. Findings revealed distinct leadership profiles reflective of empathy and compassion among participants who all regard accommodation of students with exceptionalities as a moral obligation and view inclusion as a socially just pedagogical framework. The researcher recommends that senior school board administrators screen and secure principals who value inclusion to create and maintain school cultures that ensure students’ access to inclusive education.

Diálogos en el panteón liberal de México

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Diálogos en el panteón liberal de México

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Opiniones sobre los discursos leidos en la Convención Liberal

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Catecismo para uso del pueblo, en que se hace una ligera comparación del protestantismo con el catolicismo y se combaten las leyes que el gobierno liberal ha dado en México contra la iglesia católica

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Maximiliano y la toma de Querétaro: recopilación de los artículos que, con motivo de este histórico asunto ha publicado ultimamentetanto la prensa liberal como la conservadora, conteniendo además el informe del sr. General Escobedo sobre la toma de la plaza de Querétaro en 1867

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