789 resultados para intra-party democracy
Resumo:
Parliamentary committees fulfil several important functions within the Parliament, with one of these being the oversight of various agencies including those that are designed to reduce corruption within the police service and other public sector agencies. The cross-party nature of committees combined with the protections of Parliament make them powerful agencies. Prenzler & Faulkner (2010) suggest that the ideal system for an agency that has oversight of a public sector integrity commission should include monitoring by a parliamentary committee, with an inspector attached to the committee. This occurs in Queensland, New South Wales and Western Australia. There has been very little research conducted on the role of parliamentary committees with oversight responsibilities for public sector integrity agencies. This paper will address this gap by examining the relationship between a parliamentary committee, a parliamentary inspector and a corruption commission. Queensland’s Parliamentary Crime and Misconduct Committee (PCMC/the Committee) and the Parliamentary Crime and Misconduct Commissioner (the Commissioner) provide oversight of the Crime and Misconduct Commission (CMC). By focussing on the PCMC and the Commissioner, the paper will examine the legislative basis for the Committee and Commissioner and their respective roles in providing oversight of the CMC. One key method by which the PCMC provides oversight of the CMC is to conduct and publish a review of the CMC every three years. Additionally, the paper will identify some of the similarities and differences between the PCMC and other committees that operate within the Queensland Parliament. By doing so, the paper will provide insights into the relationships that exist between corruption commissions, parliamentary committees and parliamentary inspectors and demonstrate the important role of the parliamentary committee in preventing instances of public sector corruption.
Resumo:
The John Lewis Partnership is one of Europe’s largest models of employee ownership and has been operating a form of employee involvement and participation since its formation in 1929. It is frequently held up as a model of best practice (Cathcart, 2013) and has been described as a ‘workers’ paradise’ (Stummer and Lacey, 2001). At the beginning of 2012, the Deputy Prime Minister of the UK unveiled plans to create a ‘John Lewis Economy’ (Wintour, 2012). As John Lewis is being positioned at the heart of political and media discussions in the UK about alternatives to the corporate capitalist model of enterprise, it is vital that more is known about the experience of employee involvement and participation within the organisation. This article explores the ways in which the practice of employee involvement and participation has changed in John Lewis as a result of competing employee and managerial interests. Its contribution is a contemporary exploration of participation in the John Lewis Partnership and an examination of the ways in which management and employees contested the meaning and practice of employee involvement and participation as part of a ‘democracy project’, which culminated in significant changes and degeneration of the democratic structures.
Resumo:
Politicians of all parties have been keen to promote the ‘John Lewis model’ of industrial organisation, emphasising its features of employee ownership and workplace democracy. Dr Abby Cathcart’s research into the company shows that management and workers have different visions of what ‘partnership’ means, with ongoing struggle taking place via the organisation’s democratic structures. This, she argues, has stark implications for other organisations with partnership models that are less robust.
Resumo:
Australian authorities have set ambitious policy objectives to shift Australia’s current transport profile of heavy reliance on private motor cars to sustainable modes. Improving accessibility of public transport is a central component of that objective. Past studies on accessibility to public transport focus on walking time and/or waiting time. However, travellers’ perceptions of the interface leg journeys may depend not only on these direct and tangible factors but also on social and psychological factors. This paper extends previous research that identified five salient perspectives of rail access by means of a statement sorting activity and cluster analysis with a small sample of rail passengers in three Australian cities (Zuniga et al, 2013). This study collects a new data set including 144 responses from Brisbane and Melbourne to an online survey made up of a Likert-scaled statement sorting exercise and questionnaire. It employs factor analysis to examine the statement rankings and uncovers seven underlying factors in the exploratory manner, i.e., station, safety, access, transfer, service attitude, traveler’s physical activity levels, and environmental concern. Respondents from groups stratified by rail use frequency are compared in terms of their scores of those factors. Findings from this study indicate a need to re-conceptualize accessibility to intra-urban rail travel in agreement with current policy agenda, and to target behavioral intervention to multiple dimensions of accessibility influencing passengers’ travel choices. Arguments in this paper are not limited to intra-urban rail transit, but may also be relevant to public transport in general.
Resumo:
Australian authorities have set ambitious policy objectives to shift Australia’s current transport profile of heavy reliance on private motor cars to sustainable modes. Improving accessibility of public transport is a central component of that objective. Past studies on accessibility to public transport focus on walking time and/or waiting time. However, travellers’ perceptions of the interface leg journeys may depend not only on these direct and tangible factors but also on social and psychological factors. This paper extends previous research that identified five salient perspectives of rail access by means of a statement sorting activity and cluster analysis with a small sample of rail passengers in three Australian cities (Zuniga et al, 2013). This study collects a new data set including 144 responses from Brisbane and Melbourne to an online survey made up of a Likert-scaled statement sorting exercise and questionnaire. It employs factor analysis to examine the statement rankings and uncovers seven underlying factors in the exploratory manner, i.e., station, safety, access, transfer, service attitude, traveler’s physical activity levels, and environmental concern. Respondents from groups stratified by rail use frequency are compared in terms of their scores of those factors. Findings from this study indicate a need to re-conceptualize accessibility to intra-urban rail travel in agreement with current policy agenda, and to target behavioral intervention to multiple dimensions of accessibility influencing passengers’ travel choices. Arguments in this paper are not limited to intra-urban rail transit, but may also be relevant to public transport in general.
Resumo:
This article argues that a semantic shift in the crowd in Vietnam over the last decade has allowed public space to become a site through which transgressive ideologies and desires may have an outlet. At a time of accelerating social change, the state has effectively delimited public criticism yet a fragile but assertive form of Vietnamese democratic practice has arisen in public space, at the margins of official society, in sites previously equated with state control. Official state functions attract only small audiences, and rather than celebrating the dominance of the party, reveal the disengagement of the populace in the party's activities. Where crowds were always a component of state (stage)-managed events, now public spaces are attracting large numbers of people for supposedly non-political activities which may become transgressive acts condemned by the regime. In support of the notion that crowding is an opening up of the possibility of more subversive political actions, the paper presents an analysis of recent crowd formations and the state's reaction to them. The analysis reveals the modalities through which popular culture has provided the public with the means to transcend the constraints of official, authorized, and legitimate codes of behaviour in public space. Changes in the use of public space, it is argued, map the sets of relations between the public and the state, making these transforming relationships visible, although fraught with contradictions and anomalies.
Resumo:
This article considers recent cases on guarantees of business loans to identify the lending practices that led the court to set aside the guarantee as against the creditor on the basis that the creditor had engaged in unconscionable conduct. It also explores the role of industry codes of practice in preventing unconscionable conduct, including whether there is a correlation between commitment to an industry code and higher standards of lending practices; whether compliance with an industry code would have produced different outcomes in the cases considered; and whether lenders need to do more than comply with an industry code to ensure their practices are fair and reasonable.
Resumo:
This study focuses on new media use in democratic discourse, specifically in the Queensland state electoral division of Ashgrove, 2011. This site was chosen to make an enquiry into the place of mass media in public decision- making, asking the question: did online media provide an extension of democracy, and what would be journalism’s role in democratic discourse? The study utilises a survey of 280 constituents, a review of pertinent news coverage, and extensive interviews with a panel of informants. In the outcome, it found those most equipped to utilise online media showed a lack of will to get involved in deeper political, social engagements. It also sees younger demographics forming news habits, not usually in step with traditional political avenues, based on familiarity with online processes, while consciously marginalising the need for trustworthiness in this set- ting. These issues are considered together with one leading proposal as to where the future of new media might be heading. It assesses the notion of professional and amateur collaboration by employing the model articulated by Beckett, called ‘networked journalism’.
Resumo:
We compare the consistency of choices in two methods used to elicit risk preferences on an aggregate as well as on an individual level. We ask subjects to choose twice from a list of nine decisions between two lotteries, as introduced by Holt and Laury (2002, 2005) alternating with nine decisions using the budget approach introduced by Andreoni and Harbaugh (2009). We find that, while on an aggregate (subject pool) level the results are consistent, on an individual (within-subject) level, behaviour is far from consistent. Within each method as well as across methods we observe low (simple and rank) correlations.
Resumo:
The refereed papers contained in this set of conference proceedings were presented at the 2nd International Conference on Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, hosted by the Crime and Justice Research Centre, Faculty of Law, QUT. The conference attracted an impressive list of internationally distinguished keynote and panel speakers from the United Kingdom, United States, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and this time Latin America, as well as high quality paper submissions.
Resumo:
Purpose - Contemporary offshore Information System Development (ISD) outsourcing is becoming even more complex. Outsourcing partner has begun ‘re-outsourcing’ components of their projects to other outsourcing companies to minimize cost and gain efficiencies. This paper aims to explore intra-organizational Information Asymmetry of re-outsourced offshore ISD outsourcing projects. Design/methodology/approach - An online survey was conducted to get an overall view of Information Asymmetry between Principal and Agents (as per the Agency theory). Findings - Statistical analysis showed that there are significant differences between the Principal and Agent on clarity of requirements, common domain knowledge and communication effectiveness constructs, implying an unbalanced relationship between the parties. Moreover, our results showed that these three are significant measurement constructs of Information Asymmetry. Research limitations/implications - In our study we have only considered three main factors as common domain knowledge, clarity of requirements and communication effectiveness as three measurement constructs of Information Asymmetry. Therefore, researches are encouraged to test the proposed constructs further to increase its precision. Practical implications - Our analysis indicates significant differences in all three measurement constructs, implying the difficulties to ensure that the Agent is performing according to the requirements of the Principal. Using the Agency theory as theoretical view, this study sheds light on the best contract governing methods which minimize Information Asymmetry between the multiple partners within ISD outsourcing organizations. Originality/value - Currently, to the best of our knowledge, no study has undertaken research on Intra-organizational Information Asymmetry in re-outsourced offshore ISD outsourcing projects.
Resumo:
Democracy is a multi-dimensional concept, ranging from definitions based exclusively on institutional frameworks (for example, Held, 2005, Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub and Limongi, 2000) to complex and integrated measures that include political and civil rights, democratic practices, values and, finally, a diverse set of institutional arrangements in society, including welfare, education, industrial relations and the legal system (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005, Jaggers and Gurr, 1995, O'Donnell, Cullel and Iazetta, 2004). This reflects the range of and distinction between merely formal electoral democracy and genuinely 'effective liberal democracy' (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005: 149), where democracy is firmly embedded not only in its institutions but in the values of its citizenry. Evidence from cross-national research confirms that formal democratic institutions, different dimensions of effective democracy, and democratic values are indeed strongly linked (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005: 154, Jaggers and Gurr, 1995: 446). Democracy is more than just a set of institutions, rules and mechanisms: it is a set of core values engrained in the 'lived experience' of its citizens. Core values of democracies are individual autonomy and egalitarianism, tolerance of diversity, and freedom from oppression for both individuals and institutions. Democracies restrain their governments by the rule of law and grant its citizens equal access to and equal treatment by legal institutions. Among these institutions, criminal justice and the treatment of those who violated rules and regulations represent sensitive seismographs for the quality of effective democracies, and the ways how democracies realise their core values.
Resumo:
Like other Western nations, since the nineteenth century Australia has been a representative democracy, in which citizens elect parliamentary representatives to make decisions and develop policies on their behalf (see chapter 5). These representatives are supported in their decision making by an ‘arm’s-length’, ‘techno-bureaucratic administration’, which includes experts such as environmental planners (Fung and Wright 2003, p. 3). However, as the issues for decision-making become increasingly complex, and societies increasingly diverse, the idea of citizen participation in decision-making is ever more accepted. There is now a significant body of political theory arguing for a more participatory model of democracy (participatory democracy), a model that strives to create opportunities for all members of a society to contribute meaningfully to decisions about the matters affecting their lives.
Resumo:
Poor complaint management may result in organizations losing customers and revenue. Consumers exhibit negative emotional responses when dissatisfied and this may lead to a complaint to a third-party organization. Since little information is available on the role of emotion in the consumer complaint process or how to manage complaints effectively, we offer an emotions perspective by applying Affective Events Theory (AET) to complaint behavior. This study presents the first application of AET in a consumption context and advances a theoretical framework supported by qualitative research for emotional responses to complaints. In contrast to commonly held views on gender and emotion, men as well as women use emotion-focused coping to complain.
Resumo:
In recent decades, the governance of food safety, food quality, on-farm environmental management and animal welfare has been shifting from the realm of 'the government' to that of the private sector. Corporate entities, especially the large supermarkets, have responded to neoliberal forms of governance and the resultant 'hollowed-out' state by instituting private standards for food, backed by processes of certification and policed through systems of third party auditing. Today's food regime is one in which supermarkets impose 'private standards' along the food supply chain to ensure compliance with a range of food safety goals-often above and beyond those prescribed by government. By examining regulatory governance in Australia, Norway and the United Kingdom we highlight emerging trajectories of food governance. We argue that the imposition of the new private forms of monitoring and compliance continue the project of agricultural restructuring that began with government support for structural adjustment schemes in agriculture and that these are most evident in the UK and Australia where neoliberalism is an entrenched philosophy. However, despite Norway's identity as a social democracy, we also identify neoliberal 'creep' into the system of food governance. Small-scale producers in all three nations are finding themselves increasingly subject to governance through private, market-based mechanisms that, to varying degrees, are dominated by major supermarket chains. The result is agricultural restructuring not through the traditional avenues of elected governments, but via non-elected market operatives.