868 resultados para indigenous aluminium cans
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I begin by offering a formal acknowledgement to the Darumbal people. I thank Wade Mann for his Welcome as a member of the Darumbal people and the Dance Troupe for dancing on this day. I thank the other people who are here today from other Country that surrounds and borders Darumbal Country and on which this university also works: the Woppaburra; Gungalou; Bidjara; Gurang Gurang; Birri Gubba; and others. I thank the members of the Fitzroy Basin Elders for supporting this event...
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Today in Australia, 75% of all Indigenous Australians reside in urban and peri-urban areas. In Brisbane, Indigenous Australians now number just over 45,000, and this number is rapidly increasing. Undertaking research with urban based Indigenous Australians is a relatively new phenomenon. Most past research with Indigenous people has been carried out in remote and regional areas. This paper focuses on a Participation Action Research project undertaken with Indigenous women in the highly urbanised area of North Brisbane. The project takes on the challenge of undertaking urban based Indigenous research. It opts not to centre on poor Indigenous women’s health statistics but instead centres on Indigenous women’s wellness and ways to talk about and work towards wellness. Through the cycles of dialogue with Indigenous women these concepts were teased out and manifested in two highly successful Women’s Wellness Summits. This paper will outline aspects of this project.
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The term "Social and Emotional Wellbeing" (SEWB) was coined through the noted inability of conventional psychiatric terminology when addressing Indigenous holistic connections and opposes the Anglo-Saxon terminology that often boxes "mental health" as a diagnosis, disease or illness into separate origins from that of other personal holistic existence, which in turn directly objects to Indigenous thinking and perceptions of wellbeing. Purpose: This study's aim was to explore what Indigenous Women's Social and Emotional Wellbeing is, through Indigenous perceptions, beliefs and knowledge of Indigenous women's wellbeing experiences. Methods: Data was derived from semi-structured focus groups incorporating Indigenous specific Yarning, where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women who have experienced or were at risk of developing social and emotional wellness problems came together. Results: The women identified many factors underpinning social and emotional wellness and what it means for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women. The major themes centred around wellness and health, autonomy, Indigenous women being heard, historical factors, support and Indigenous women's group development and continuation. Conclusion: These issues where then explored and compared to the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women's Health Strategy Action Areas.
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This is the first empirical study of teacher knowledge and classroom practice in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education. It describes the construction of a survey instrument to measure non-Indigenous Australian teachers’ knowledge of Indigenous culture and place, frequency of everyday intercultural exchanges, and attempts to integrate Indigenous knowledge into classroom practice. Many teachers reported low levels of knowledge of Indigenous cultures, and limited encounters outside of school. While the cohort expressed dissatisfaction with pre-service training, exposure to pre- and in-service courses in Indigenous education correlated with higher levels of cultural knowledge and cultural engagement. Teachers with higher levels of cultural engagement were more likely to attempt to integrate Indigenous knowledges in curriculum and pedagogy.
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My interest in producing this paper on Indigenous languages was borne out of conversations with and learnings from community members in the Torres Straits and those connected to the ‘Dream Circle’. Nakata (2003, p. 12) laments the situation whereby ‘teachers are transitionary and take their hard-earned knowledge with them when they leave’. I am thus responding to the call to add to the conversation in a productive albeit culturally loaded way. To re-iterate, I am neither Indigenous nor am I experienced in teaching and learning in these contexts. As problematic as these two points are, I am in many ways typical of the raft of inexperienced white Australian teachers assigned to positions in school contexts where Indigenous students are enrolled or in mainstream contexts with substantial populations of Indigenous students. By penning this article, it is neither my intention to contribute to the silencing of Indigenous educators or Indigenous communities. My intention is to articulate my teacherly reflections as they apply to the topic under discussion. The remainder of this paper is presented in three sections. The next section provides a brief overview of the number of Indigenous people and Indigenous languages in Australia and the role of English as a language of communication. The section which follows draws on theorisations from second/additional language acquisition to overview three different schools of thought about the consequences of English in the lives of Indigenous Australians. The paper concludes by considering the tensions for inexperienced white Australian teachers caught up in the fray.
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One way to integrate indigenous perspectives in junior science is through links between indigenous stories of the local area and science concepts. Using local indigenous stories about landforms, a teacher of year 8 students designed a unit on geology that catered for the diverse student population in his class. This paper reports on the inquiry-based approach structured around the requirements of the Australian Curriculum highlighting the learning and engagement of students during the unit.
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Background: Little is known about the supportive care needs of Indigenous people with cancer and to date, existing needs assessment tools have not considered cultural issues for this population. We aimed to adapt an existing supportive care needs assessment tool for use with Indigenous Australians with cancer. Methods: Face-to-face interviews with Indigenous cancer patients (n = 29) and five focus groups with Indigenous key-informants (n = 23) were conducted to assess the face and content validity, cultural acceptability, utility and relevance of the Supportive Care Needs Survey - Short Form 34 (SCNS-SF34) for use with Indigenous patients with cancer. Results: All items from the SCNS-SF34 were shortened and changed to use more appropriate language (e.g. the word 'anxiety' was substituted with 'worry'). Seven questions were omitted (e.g. items on death and future considerations) as they were deemed culturally inappropriate or irrelevant and 12 items were added (e.g. accessible transport). Optional instructions were added before the sexual items. The design and response format of the SCNS-SF34 was modified to make it easier to use for Indigenous cancer patients. Given the extensive modifications to the SCNS-SF34 and the liklihood of a different factor structure we consider this tool to be a new tool rather than a modification. The Supportive care needs assessment tool for Indigenous people (SCNAT-IP) shows promising face and content validity and will be useful in informing services where they need to direct their attention for these patients. Conclusions: Indigenous people with cancer have language, customs and specific needs that are not accommodated within the standard SCNS-SF34. Our SCNAT-IP improves acceptability, relevance and face validity for Indigenous-specific concerns. Our SCNAT-IP will allow screening for supportive care needs that are specific to Indigenous cancer patients' and greatly inform targeted policy development and practice.
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The gross overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples in prison populations suggests that sentencing may be a discriminatory process. Using findings from recent (1991–2011) multivariate statistical sentencing analyses from the United States, Canada, and Australia, we review the 3 key hypotheses advanced as plausible explanations for baseline sentencing discrepancies between Indigenous and non-Indigenous adult criminal defendants: (a) differential involvement, (b) negative discrimination, and (c) positive discrimination. Overall, the prior research shows strong support for the differential involvement thesis and some support for the discrimination theses (positive and negative). We argue that where discrimination is found, it may be explained by the lack of a more complete set of control variables in researchers’ multivariate models and/or differing political and social contexts.
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In Australia, sentencing researchers have generally focussed on whether there is statistical equality/inequality in outcomes by reference to Indigenous status. However, contextualising the sentencing process requires us to move away from a reliance on statistical analyses alone, as this approach cannot tell us whether sentencing is an equitable process for Indigenous people. Consultation with those working at the sentencing ‘coal face’ provides valuable insight into the nexus between Indigenous status and sentencing. This article reports the main themes from surveys of the judiciary and prosecutors, and focus groups of Community Justice Groups undertaken in Queensland. The aim is to understand better the sentencing process for Indigenous Queenslanders. Results suggest that while there have been some positive developments in sentencing (e.g. the Murri Court, Community Justice Groups) Indigenous offenders still face a number of inequities.
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This paper explores Indigenous Australian women’s understanding of wellness, through the lens of social and emotional wellbeing. The authors use a “yarning” approach to explore how wellness is important to Indigenous women who live in North Brisbane (Australia). They discuss the benefits of yarning and its strength as a methodology for conducting research and building activism within Indigenous Australian communities. They argue that, for Indigenous Australian women, wellness is linked to a sense of wholeness and strongly related to the feeling of connection that women get from meeting together and having time for women’s business. They describe the way that their research project developed into a community summit focused on Indigenous women’s wellness.
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While Australia is considered a world leader in tobacco control, smoking rates within the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population have not declined at the same rate. This failure highlights an obvious shortcoming of mainstream anti-smoking efforts to effectively understand and engage with the socio-cultural context of Indigenous smoking and smoking cessation experiences. The purpose of this article is to explore the narrative accounts of 20 Indigenous ex-smokers within an urban community and determine the motivators and enablers for successful smoking cessation. Our findings indicated that health risk narratives and the associated social stigma produced through anti-smoking campaigns formed part of a broader apparatus of oppression among Indigenous people, often inspiring resistance and resentment rather than compliance. Instead, a significant life event and supportive relationships were the most useful predictors of successful smoking cessation acting as both a motivator and enabler to behavioural change. Indigenous smoking cessation narratives most commonly involved changing and reordering a person’s life and identity and autonomy over this process was the critical building block to reclaiming control over nicotine addiction. Most promisingly, at an individual level, we found the important role that individual health professionals played in encouraging and supporting Indigenous smoking cessation through positive rather than punitive interactions. More broadly, our findings highlighted the central importance of resilience, empowerment, and trust within health promotion practice.
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The Akin collection is the outcome of a project to lead, guide and curate a luxury, retail-ready fashion collection from a collaboration between five emerging fashion designers and five established Indigenous artists. Research background There is a history of Indigenous artists in Australia being treated unethically; by misappropriation and misrepresentation of their work, inequity of payment for their creativity and little acknowledgement of their cultural contribution to collaborative fashion product sold globally. This has created an atmosphere of bad press for fashion, as well as a fear for emerging designers to include/collaborate with Indigenous artists for textile prints. This fear has been so intense that many emerging Australian designers are now seeking collaboration with other countries’ Indigenous communities, thus missing out on a rich cultural and diverse aesthetic that could brand a truly unique Australian label in the international marketplace. The fashion brands that have collaborated with Indigenous Australian artists have traditionally been a ONE designer label incorporating Indigenous prints, for collections that have little acknowledgement of the artist’s contribution and strong branding for the label and/or fashion designer. This collection seeks to create an equitable and profitable fashion collection under one brand where all artists and designers receive equal payment, equal promotion/credibility, as well as equal royalties for any garments ordered by retailers. Research question Is it possible to curate an ethical, luxury, retail-ready, international fashion brand with a collaboration of five (5) emerging designers and five (5) Indigenous artists? Research contribution In the fashion industry, existing collaborations for Australian Indigenous artists have been with ONE fashion designer or one existing fashion label. This is the first fashion collection created under one brand name with equal credibility and profits for both artists and designers. The process involved presenting workshops ranging from understanding the logistics and timing of the fashion supply chain, costing of garments, the process of ‘ranging’ fashion product for a collection and creating repeat prints from a specific artwork, ready for digital printing. A workshop was also facilitated so both designer and artist could work together to create (and co-own) unique t shirt prints. Lawyers were consulted and ethical contracts were drawn up to cover all participants in this innovative collaboration. While the collaboration of artist and designer was important, the collection required curation of all elements so that the final collection came together as a professional and cohesive, quality, retail- ready product. This could only be created by experienced practitioners. Research significance The Akin Collection is the first Australian fashion brand to be created as a collaboration between five equally recognised Indigenous artists and five emerging fashion designers. It has familiarized the Indigenous artists to the logistics and culture of the fashion industry and the emerging fashion designers have been familiarized to the logistics and culture of how to collaborate with the unique Indigenous artwork that exists in Australia. After only three months, this culminated in a fashion parade showcasing the Akin collection to over 400 members of the public, government, media and retail. Feedback has been strong from the media and the industry, and a lookbook and photoshoot has been organised to promote and sell the collection both nationally and internationally. These concepts plus the curation outlined, has created a successful, luxury, quality collection ready for the international runways. This project has devised an ethical template for other Indigenous artists and emerging designers to create fashion collections that offer a unique aesthetic that could position and brand Australian fashion in the international marketplace. Key Words Indigenous artists, emerging fashion designers, Australian fashion design, ethical fashion, luxury Australian brand